The Underground Librarian

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Book Recommendation

Posted by N. A. Jones on October 21, 2014

Breaking 43 Years of Silence, the Last FBI Burglar Tells the Story of Her Years in the Underground

Judi Feingold

A headshot of Judi Feingold taken shortly before the 1971 burglary of the FBI offices in Media, Pennsylvania. All photographs courtesy of Betty Medsger.

The following is excerpted and adapted from the epilogue to the paperback version of Betty Medsger’s The Burglary: The Discovery of J. Edgar Hoover’s Secret FBI, out today from Vintage Books.

It was clear to Judi Feingold what she should do after she and seven other people broke into an FBI office near Philadelphia in 1971, removed every file and then anonymously distributed them to two members of Congress and three journalists:

Get out of town.

She took drastic steps. Remaining in Philadelphia seemed dangerous, so she left town and headed west, moved into the underground and lived under an assumed name, moving from place to place west of the Rockies for years, owning only a sleeping bag and what she could carry in her knapsack. As she was about to detach herself from her past geography and her personal connections, she called her parents and told them she had committed a nonviolent direct action “and was possibly being pursued by the federal government. I told them I could not be in touch by phone, and I would do my best to let them know how I was, but not where I was.”

During the forty-three years since the burglary, none of the other burglars knew anything about Feingold’s whereabouts. Efforts to find her in recent years had failed. Some even thought she might have died.

Likewise, Feingold did not know that the other burglars had not left the area and, instead, had lived in the eye of the intensive search the bureau conducted for the people who revealed FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover’s massive, clandestine political spying and extreme, even violent, dirty tricks operations. Those revelations gave rise to the nation’s first public conversation about the role of intelligence agencies in a democratic society. None of the burglars was found. Only one of them made the list of final suspects. The investigation ended after five years, with the FBI never finding any physical evidence or witness with either direct or indirect knowledge of the burglary.

Immediately after the burglary, Feingold’s Philadelphia neighborhood, Powelton Village, was swarmed by dozens of FBI agents. From many parked cars, agents watched the comings and goings of residents round the clock. Everyone seemed to be regarded as a suspect. The files the burglars removed from the office—the first documentary evidence that under Hoover the FBI had subverted the bureau’s mission—had caused a sensation. For the first time, there were calls in Congress and in newspaper editorials for the bureau and its deeply admired director to be investigated. Hoover, FBI director for half a century by then, was apoplectic, one of his favorite reporters wrote shortly after the burglary. The stolen files emerged, a few at a time, the first ones in a story written by me and published two weeks after the burglary on March 24, 1971, in The Washington Post.

The last time the burglars were together, shortly after the burglary, they had made two promises to each other: that they would take the secret of the burglary to their graves and that they would not associate with each other. They feared that if they continued to associate, the arrest of one might lead to the arrest of others. The seven who continued living as they had before the burglary were silent about what they had done, but they made no attempt to hide or escape.

Throughout the decades since the Media burglary, Feingold kept the pledge the burglars made to each other never to reveal they were the Media burglars. She always assumed no one in the group would break that promise. She never uttered a word about the burglary to anyone.

That’s why she was shocked—angered, even sickened at first—in January when she discovered, by chance, that the other members of the group recently had publicly told the story of how and why they decided in 1971 to risk their freedom for many years to break into an FBI office in search of evidence of whether the FBI was engaged in efforts to suppress dissent.

Until discovering, in news articles about my book, that seven of the eight Media burglars went public, she thought perhaps other Media burglars might also have decided to go underground. Instead, they had lived in plain sight. William Davidon, the physics professor who was the leader of the group and who had thought of the idea of breaking into the office, had continued to teach at Haverford College and continued to be a leader in the antiwar community. John and Bonnie Raines and their three children, all under eight at the time of the burglary, lived for years in the old stone house in the Germantown section of Philadelphia where much of the planning for the burglary had taken place. John Raines is still teaching religion at Temple University. And Bonnie Raines ran a day care center, studied for a graduate degree and eventually became a leading advocate for children’s issues. Keith Forsyth, who trained himself to pick the lock on the FBI office door but in the end had to rely on a crowbar to break in, worked for years as a union reform organizer at the Budd Company, a metal fabricator in Philadelphia, before completing studies to become an electrical engineer. Bob Williamson continued to work for awhile as a social worker for the state of Pennsylvania. Two other members of the group, who have described their roles but have chosen not to be named, also lived as they had lived before.

* * *

During the years I researched and wrote The Burglary: The Discovery of J. Edgar Hoover’s Secret FBI, I could not find the woman the other burglars and I often referred to as the eighth burglar. This struck me as strange in the age of the Internet, when it seems as though nearly everyone can be found. The other burglars had told me her name, but despite many attempts by some of the burglars and me to find her, the search for her was futile. Bob Williamson, the member of the group who was closest to her at the time of the break-in, repeatedly tried to find her. Along with Williamson, she was one of the four people who went inside the Media FBI office the night of March 8, 1971, and removed all the files in the dark.

I hoped that soon after The Burglary was published in January she might see a news story about the other burglars becoming public and reach out to them. Without her, the narrative of the Media burglars was not quite complete. But after a month, when many stories had been published and broadcast about the emergence of the Media burglars, I reluctantly concluded that we probably never would hear from her. Perhaps the worst fear of some, that she was not alive, was true.

Then, in late April, as I walked up out of the subway near my New York home and checked email on my phone, I found this message from Williamson:

“I want to give you some very exciting news…. Judi called me yesterday…. She sounded wonderful…. The stories we had heard about her riding the subways of New York at night were completely untrue. She is alive and well, and has had a happy life.”

I practically danced all the way home as I read his words. Judi Feingold, the missing member of the Citizens Commission to Investigate the FBI—what the burglars called themselves—was alive and well and in touch. Williamson also wrote that “she said she’d be happy to talk with you.”

When I phoned Judi a short time later, she was still somewhat stunned at what she had learned—that the other members of the Citizens Commission had broken their promise to take the secret of the burglary to their graves. By the time we talked in person a few weeks later, her original shock at finding the group’s secret had been exposed had diminished somewhat as a result of being in touch with some of the burglars, people she thought she would never see again.

Like the others, she is now open about that secret that shaped the rest of her life. The forty-three-year journey she reveals is strikingly different from the experiences of the other Media burglars during and since the years when Hoover assigned more than two hundred FBI agents to search for the people who risked decades in prison by breaking into an FBI office and exposing Hoover’s secret files.


Feingold in Yellowstone National Park, in 1989

Her decision to stay underground and live under an assumed name for nearly a decade, until 1980, meant that she spent the first decade of her adult life as a fugitive. Now 63, she was 19 then, the youngest member of the group. Early in her life, she exhibited the qualities that would enable her at nineteen to see participating in the burglary and living underground as actions she should take—despite the fact that they would be radically life-changing and potentially dangerous. As a kid from Inwood, a neighborhood on the far northwestern end of Manhattan, she adopted pacifism and became an activist in the civil rights and anti-nuclear movements by age twelve. She remembers riding the subway alone by then and going to meetings and demonstrations, including an anti-nuclear weapons rally led by Dr. Benjamin Spock. As a teenager, she had big ideas and made big commitments. Like the other burglars, she was confident that activism could lead to positive change. But she recalls being fairly quiet at home about the depth of her opinions, especially ones about the Vietnam War. Her father had made it clear he disagreed with her.

After a year at the University of Denver, she lived for a year in San Francisco. That’s where she first worked for the American Friends Service Committee, a Quaker organization, as an intern. After that she worked as a military counselor at the AFSC headquarters in Philadelphia. For that job, she became thoroughly familiar with the Uniform Code of Military Justice and used it daily to advise people who wanted to get out of the military because they had come to oppose the war; people in the military who faced family hardships and wanted to know how to apply for an honorable or general discharge, and people who didn’t want to enter the military and wanted to know their options. While in this job, she felt sure she was regularly under surveillance near her home. That moved her to agree with William Davidon, the leader of the Media group, when he proposed burglarizing an FBI office in order to search for documentary evidence of whether the FBI was spying on political dissidents. She had met Davidon through Williamson, whom she deeply trusted.

Unlike the other Media burglars, Feingold had never participated in a draft board break-in. Media was her first and only act of resistance. She recalls thinking that the action proposed by Davidon was a powerful idea, one that needed to be executed. She also remembers that although she was only nineteen then her eyes were wide open: She fully realized that participating in the burglary could lead to very harsh consequences.

To avoid harsh consequences from the government, she imposed harsh consequences on herself—going underground, cutting herself off from everyone she knew. Looking back, she says she has no regrets. She sees the burglary as a success that was more than worth the risk, and she sees her life in hiding afterward as involving nothing she did not choose to do. In fact, she regards parts of her post-Media decade in the underground as quite wonderful despite the difficult aspects.

As she watched the FBI presence increase exponentially after the burglary on the streets of Powelton Village, staying there seemed like the worst option. “Everybody in the activist community was talking about Media,” she recalls. Remaining there seemed dangerous. She thought a Media burglar would be much more likely to be arrested if she or he stuck around Philadelphia. Feingold recalls that her decision “came from my gut: Get out of here.”

“Once we saw what the documents revealed at the farm house, we knew it was huge. So I wasn’t sticking around for the aftermath. I was going to do the best I could to live the life I wanted to live, a life without surveillance. I followed my heart…to a nonviolent, peaceful life west of the Rockies.” She got out of Dodge.

With three friends from the women’s collective where she had lived since shortly before the Media break-in, Feingold left Philadelphia and drove to New Mexico. She was charmed by the natural beauty of the area, as Williamson was when he also traveled there, at her urging, a step that also changed the geography of his life forever. She loved Williamson, and they had continued to be close friends after she became part of the women’s collective. But even he was unaware that she had decided to go underground and would do so shortly after he arrived in New Mexico.

Feingold’s first home in the underground was on a goat farm north of Taos. Like several other places she would stay, this farm was owned by a woman and was part of an informal network of rural properties in the West known as “women’s land”—places where lesbians built alternative communities that were intentionally free of patriarchy.

Feingold thought it was the ideal place for her at that time. As she points out, she could have hidden anywhere, but she welcomed the chance to live underground in the country instead of in a city. She loved the outdoors and the physical work required in such places. Growing up in New York City, she had yearned to live in those wide-open spaces she saw as a child on countless television Westerns. Now she had that life. She dug irrigation ditches and learned how to make goat cheese and gather eggs. She remembers living happily in those old cowboy landscapes that recently had been reclaimed by women. Until then, roaming Central Park was as close as Feingold had come to her dream of living in wide-open rural spaces.

When the woman who owned the farm near Taos decided to use it for other purposes, Feingold and others who lived there drove in a caravan of pickup trucks to other women’s land in California. They had heard about the new place at one of the large gatherings of women that took place twice a year in large rural settings in the west, summer and winter solstice celebrations. After a relatively short stay on that California land, she lived for several years on women’s land in Oregon.

She traveled light in those years, carrying only a knapsack and a sleeping bag. “That was all I had,” she remembers. She worked at menial jobs so she could be paid under the table, with no tax records. “I was a dishwasher, I was a dog-trainer…..I worked in plant nurseries…..I just brought in money any way I could.” For medical care, she relied on free clinics. Dental care was sometimes hard to find. She also wrote poetry and kept a journal. One day while browsing in a women’s bookstore in Seattle she leafed through an anthology of lesbian poetry and was delighted to find a poem she had written years earlier and left behind in a house where she had stayed.

The places she called home during those years varied greatly. In addition to long stays on women’s land, for a few months she lived with a young couple and their two children in a garden cottage in Seattle. Once she lived in a beautiful wooden house on a cliff high above the Pacific on the coast of Oregon. She lived awhile in a poor part of Albuquerque and off-season at a ski lodge. At one point she lived in a women’s shelter in Berkeley. There, she said, she learned “immeasurable lessons” about survival from a woman who at age twelve rescued her younger siblings from their abusive parents and raised them on her own in extremely difficult circumstances. Feingold has kept in touch with this woman, who years later became an electrician.

It was a time in the life of the nation, says Feingold, when it was perhaps easier than it ever has been, before or since, to be accepted for who you are, with few questions asked about what you do, where you’ve been. She felt many people had become more accepting, less judgmental. That gestalt was very helpful for a fugitive who needed to live as a person without a past.


Feingold on Lopez Island in Washington State in 2003

A frightening episode took place when she lived with some other women in a house near a hilltop in Oregon, part of a horse farm. The owners and their three children lived in the main house at the foot of the hill. One day one of the children ran up the hill and, with a sense of urgency, told them, “Mom says you have to leave. The FBI is here.” Feingold never knew why the FBI was there. She assumes the reason was unrelated to her, but she took no chances. She and the other women grabbed their few possessions and left immediately, going down the other side of the hill and never returning to that location. Someone who lived nearby gave them a ride to Portland. No one at the farm knew exactly why Feingold was concerned about being caught by the FBI, just that she was. And that was enough to cause them to protect her.

In the underground, Feingold lived what she calls a horizontal life rather than a vertical life. In the latter, a person follows a plan, such as: go to high school, go to college, go to graduate school, enter a profession, marry, buy a home, have children, live for long periods in the same location and develop life-long friends and acquaintances. Her horizontal life, by contrast, had none of those elements. Instead of being a series of expected steps, each leading to the next, her life became a series of experiences, some of which were anticipated or connected, others not.

Feingold found many aspects of her underground life satisfying, especially living on several parts of the women’s land network, but she missed some of the rewards of a vertical life. She learned something valuable from most of her underground stays, but at times she longed for the stability and pleasure that are the rewards of routines, such as being able to return repeatedly to favorite people you’ve known for years for contentment or mutual personal support. She also missed the pleasure of returning often to long-cherished places.

She had always read the New York Times. She kept that habit while in the underground, reading it and other newspapers in local libraries wherever she was. After a long time between libraries, the next time she would go to a library she caught up with the news by reading spooled films of newspaper pages on microfiche machines. It was in quiet corners of small western libraries that she learned that her most important wish was being fulfilled—the Vietnam War was ending. Perhaps no one in those libraries ever noticed the small woman crying some days as she squinted at the microfiche machine screen. That news stimulated both deep sadness and happiness—sadness at how long the war had lasted and how much damage it had caused, happiness that it was, at last, over.

It also was in libraries that she read about the 1976 Church Committee hearings taking place in the U.S. Senate. She read about the testimony of FBI officials who revealed outrageous, even violent, past FBI actions and about the reforms that resulted from the congressional investigations. She realized that this was happening, in large part, as a result of what the band of eight she had been part of in Media, Pennsylvania, had done.

She talked with the women she lived with about some of this exciting news, but she did not mention her connection to the events. That was her sweet secret. Sometimes she found a way to express her happiness and pride. She would read about a major reform that had taken place in Washington after the intelligence hearings and dance alone on a mountainside and yelled a loud and joyful “Yay!” to the empty, beautiful countryside.

“I was really excited and happy,” she recalls. “You do something like this, you were willing to give up your freedom, and then you find out what happened. It was an affirmation that the sacrifice was worth it.”

* * *

In 1980 Feingold decided to leave the underground and take back her identity. She had managed to live on very little, but gradually she wanted to make more than she was making in menial jobs. “I was getting older,” she recalls. “I wanted to make a better living. And I wanted to do it at something I enjoyed…something I’d do outdoors.”

She felt the political climate had changed. She had noticed that some people from the Weather Underground had emerged and were not suffering heavy repercussions. With the end of the war, she felt a shift had taken place, one that meant she might be in less danger of being pursued for the Media burglary. She paid a lawyer $500 to answer this question: What’s the statute of limitations for someone who committed a federal offense and crossed state lines after they committed the offense? He told her that whatever danger originally existed for such a person continued to exist. Even with that answer, she decided to take a chance.

Her immediate goal was to take courses at a school in Washington state that would qualify her to be certified as a forest technician. To enroll, she needed to request transcripts from schools where she had taken courses before the burglary. To do so, of course, she had to use her real name. That was her first step out of the underground. All went well. When she used her name for the first time in nearly a decade, she did not set off an alarm. She took a civil service test and was hired as a park ranger in the Great Smoky Mountain National Park in Tennessee.

It was quite a transition: She had moved from being a federal fugitive in the underground to being a federal employee protecting federal land.

But, “It was not easy for me to be Smokey the Bear,” says Feingold. The job was a good beginning to a new life but not for the long haul. Wearing a government uniform and turning people in for running stills on federal property in Appalachia wasn’t the niche she wanted. She left the National Park Service and moved on to landscaping.

She soon found work she still regards as a perfect fit: horticultural therapy. For many years now, in various places she has lived, she has conducted this therapy with developmentally delayed adults, teaching them to propagate and sell plants and work on grounds crews. She enjoys the outdoor and service aspects of this job. “It’s very gratifying to developmentally challenged people,” she said, “to be able to grow and care for plants and do landscaping. Seeing the pretty results of their work builds confidence.”

Feingold lovingly and painstakingly rebuilt her family ties, which had been completely severed for years. After she took back her name, she found her parents and sister and talked with them by phone, but she realized that far more was needed. In order to try to heal emotional wounds and build a loving relationship with her parents, she moved from Oregon to Florida, where they had moved while she was in the underground. For two years she rented an apartment near their home, worked in the garden department at the local Sears store and had dinner with her parents regularly.

Face-to-face communication among them was awkward at first. It was a matter of starting over and building trust and love where those qualities had been weak even before she went underground. In the early months, they didn’t have much to say to each other at dinner. “I just kept doing it, and eventually we started talking…really talking….like, ‘Remember the time you did this?’ or ‘I can’t believe that.’ I started to have deep connections with my parents, and we grew to enjoy each other’s company…..We got to be a family.”

Many years later, when it became clear that her parents could no longer live on their own, they accepted Feingold’s suggestion that they leave Florida and live near her in Oregon. She took care of both of them until, just seven months apart, they died, first her mother in 2009, then her father in 2010. She looks back on those care-giving years as “a wonderful gift.” Her smile is strong and warm as she says that.


Feingold with her parents, Leon and Mary Ann Feingold, in the Cascade Mountains in Washington state in 2007

Ultimately, both of her parents received hospice treatment, an exposure that led to Feingold’s recent decision at sixty-three to study to be certified as a nurse’s assistant who will provide comfort care to hospice patients. As a volunteer now, she helps care for a ninety-six-year-old woman in hospice care near the small Arizona town where she lives.

* * *

Feingold had not returned to Philadelphia since the day she headed west in 1971. Early in 2014, Judith Bouzoun—her friend in love, the term they use for each other—asked her if she’d like to go with her on a trip to Philadelphia in May. Bouzoun was going to visit her daughter in Princeton and spend a few days in Philadelphia. Even though Feingold no longer feared arrest, the idea of visiting Philadelphia made her a little nervous. When she left in 1971, she intended never to go back. She wanted to think about it.

On January 22—the experience was so traumatic that she remembers the date—she was at her local computer club checking email when she decided to search online for Media, Pennsylvania. She did it out of curiosity prompted by Bouzoun’s invitation. She had done that online search a few times over the years. Each time she got the same two hits related to the burglary. One was about the Brandywine Peace Community’s annual celebration of the burglary, and the other was a story that expressed regret that the significance of the Media burglary had been overlooked.

This time was different.

On this January evening, when she typed “Media, PA” in the search box, as she had before, instead of only those two items, up popped about ten pages with ten or more articles each. She couldn’t believe what she was seeing. The first headline she saw was “Burglars Go Public.”

“I was like a deer in the headlights. I mean, I just got sick. I was like, What?!” Because she was in public she could not shout what was roaring through her mind. In an effort to calm herself down, she said to herself “Okay, okay, okay, okay, okay.” She tried to stand up, but her legs were too weak. When she was able to stand, she tried to walk a short distance across the room, but she couldn’t. “The earth shifted. I couldn’t function.”

“They have a printer in the club. So I printed the first six articles. I didn’t read them. I was shaking. As I printed, I was glancing, seeing the headlines. And I was, like, What the hell? And then I took them home, the six articles…and I put them in a drawer. And then I went for a swim. It’s good to think when you’re swimming. So I take a swim and, I’m like, ‘Oh, my God, oh, my God, oh, my God. I can’t believe it.’”

“And I just kept swimming and swimming and swimming. And then I felt better from swimming, and I went home and I took a shower. And I sat down and took the pages out and I started to read. I just couldn’t believe it. I absolutely couldn’t believe it. I was so upset.”

Needing a comforting voice, she called Bouzoun. A year earlier, she had asked Bouzoun if she wanted to know what her 1971 crime was, and Bouzoun, a retired military nurse and now a hospice nurse, said no. It was the first time Feingold had broached the possibility of telling someone the secret. She told herself then that revealing the secret might cross an ethical line with Bouzoun and might even end their relationship. She accepted that possibility and says she did not fear what Bouzoun’s reaction might be. For decades, she said, she had accepted who she was and what she had done and was determined not to be upset by being rejected because of that part of her life.

Now, when Feingold called Bouzoun, she told her she had just learned something very upsetting. She explained that it was about something that “happened long ago and far away. I told her I did an action I was proud of and that I went underground for it and it changed my life.” And now, Feingold told her, the “other people” involved in the action had now gone public, despite a promise everyone in the group had made to take the secret of the action to their graves. “And I can’t believe it,” she told Bouzoun. “And now there’s a book about it and a documentary.” (A documentary film, 1971 by director/producer Johanna Hamilton, also tells the story of the burglary.)

She thinks she talked to Bouzoun for a couple hours, somewhat incoherently. She kept repeating herself. Finally, she said goodbye. She did so without stating what she and the others had done. She did not do so despite the fact that she now knew that anyone in the world could learn the burglars’ secret on the Internet.

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Feingold tried to sleep that night, but she couldn’t. Finally, at 4:30 in the morning she got up and walked around her neighborhood. She walked for three hours. At 7:30 she walked into Bouzoun’s house, just five doors down the street from hers. Feingold again talked continuously about how upset she was that the other members of the group had revealed the secret.

Finally, Bouzoun asked her, “What the hell did you guys do?”

It was still hard for Feingold to state what she had thought would be secret forever, but, confronted now with a direct question, she uttered the words for the first time. She told Bouzoun what she and seven other people did the night of March 8, 1971, in Media, Pennsylvania.

After she got the words out, they were both very quiet. Then Bouzoun said, in a simple, powerful way, “That was a really brave thing you did.” Later, Bouzoun made it clear that she not only admired what Feingold did all those years ago, but she thought Feingold should be willing to publicly claim what she did. Feingold was not ready for that.

But she did think she now had an obligation to reveal her hidden past to people deeply affected by it. After she called her sister, she called five women who had taken Feingold into their homes at various times. “These were people who sheltered me, loved me on and off for years…so I could have a safe harbor.” They had trusted her before without knowing what she had done. Now, her secret past revealed to them, each of the women expressed respect for her long hidden action.

After she reconnected with Bob Williamson and Keith Forsyth, the two members of the Media group she knew best and had missed most over the years, her profound confusion about why the others had gone public was replaced by the deep joy she felt by being reconnected with them. She also came to see positive value in the story being told.

Reflecting on the forty-three years that have passed—nine years spent in the underground, forty-three years totally silent about the burglary—Feingold says, “I chose a path of nonviolent direct action. I committed a federal crime with serious consequences. I knew my life would be fundamentally changed. I had made the right decision for me. My heart was breaking then over the deaths in Southeast Asia.”

Memories sealed away for years now play in Feingold’s mind as a black and white movie. She remembers feeling a sense of contentment as she and Williamson cased the area near the Media FBI office night after night. They had deep conversations and good laughs during the countless hours they watched and waited. Then, inside the office during the burglary, “I felt like I was not breathing. My body was on high alert. I remember thinking, ‘I am functioning, and I am not breathing.’” On the way to the farm house with the files, “I have a strong sense of taking a wrong turn on the road and feeling lost.” When lost on country roads even today, she says, she still flashes to the drive that night from Media to Fellowship Farm, the trunk filled with suitcases full of FBI files, and the fear of being lost, of being followed and, then, pulled over.

Thinking about the days the group spent at the farm reading and sorting the files, Feingold recalls an unsettling reaction that remains vivid. “My memory of the farm that will be with me forever is standing outside, looking over the rolling hills and the road entering the farm, half expecting FBI agents to be driving up that road toward us.”

Several months after Feingold’s discovery that the Media burglars had broken their silence, she was enthusiastic that her old partners in non-violent resistance had emerged and revealed they were part of the group that was responsible for the burglary that shook the foundations of the FBI and led to the first congressional oversight of all intelligence agencies. “Once I recovered,” she said, “I was grateful to be able to reconnect with people once so important to me, who I care for and respect. I am glad to know they are alive and healthy and explaining our purpose. It’s quite something.”

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Book Recommendations

Posted by N. A. Jones on September 7, 2014

If you are wondering what I am reading these days, it is The Portable North American Indian Reader.

I read a story from the Micmac Indians yesterday.

It gave me the courage to stand up to somebodies today.

Others thought I was crazy and wondered at my response.

I explained and even the eavesdroppers are looking for a copy.

After this it is back to Classics or something off a banned books list.

Either way, enjoy

~tUL

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Book Recomendation 2014

Posted by N. A. Jones on August 16, 2014

Meet the bomb girls: A new book tells how a secret army helped win the Second World War

IT WAS Britain’s darkest hour. In 1941, as the country struggled to adjust to the harsh reality of war with Hitler’s Germany, a huge secret army of women was being called up.

Published: Mon, August 12, 2013

Fighting spirit Working on shell caps in 1940 Fighting spirit: Working on shell caps in 1940

They came from every part of the country. Many were rural teenagers who had only ever worked in poorly paid domestic service.

Some were already war widows or had husbands posted overseas, destination unknown. Others had never worked before. Yet their work, a vast enterprise conducted in total secrecy in newly built complexes and factories, sometimes in areas vulnerable to bombing raids by the Luftwaffe, was one of the most dangerous, dirty and exhausting jobs of the Second World War. For these were the Bomb Girls, the million-plus British women who worked in the munitions factories until victory in 1945.

They worked round the clock seven days a week in perilous conditions on the production line, frequently in mind-numbing routine jobs, helping to make the bullets, the bombs, the tanks, the spare parts and the weaponry that the country needed so badly. Without their effort, the outcome of the war could have been very different indeed.

‘The danger faced each yet they were very much a hidden army. Unlike others in the Forces or the Home Front they were not distinguished by a uniform, so covert was the nature of wartime munitions work. factories Other than their loved ones and families they were not allowed to tell anyone where they worked. Yet the danger they faced each day in the factories and even on their way to work during nighttime bombing raids in the blackout was huge.

In a vast munitions factory complex safety rules and regulations dominated everything. Every person working on the factory floor risked their health and their life working with highly toxic chemicals. One tiny mistake or slip-up at work could blow everyone to smithereens and wreck Britain’s war effort. Each day carried the risk of sudden, accidental explosions, causing disfigurement, blindness, loss of limbs or worse.

The women handled chemicals that turned their skin yellow, discoloured their hair or caused rashes, breathing problems or asthma. Some went home with acid burns. An unlucky few went off to work in the morning but didn’t come back at all. Yet it is only now more than 70 years later that their secret stories of courage are being told for the first time.

“When you signed up they really didn’t tell you too much,” says Margaret Curtis, 91, a process worker at the huge explosives factory at Bishopton, just outside Glasgow, for more than three years. She had been a lowly parlour maid until she volunteered with her best friend Mary for munitions work. “They told us we’d be earning £2 a week which was a lot more than I’d ever earned.”

“On my first day I was told I’d be working in gun cotton, making squares and plugs out of the cotton. Mary was sent to the cordite section. We didn’t know it but cordite was extra dangerous, working with highly explosive nitroglycerine in underground buildings.

“When you arrived at work you went into a special area to change into white jacket and trousers, a white turban and rubber boots or Wellingtons, summer or winter. You couldn’t leave the plant in your wellies and there were lots of things you were forbidden to take into the building. No metal anywhere, no safety pins, hairpins, no matches, no cigarettes.

The tiniest spark put everyone at risk from explosion.”

The factories employed “danger building men” who would carry out spot checks on the workers for any dangerous items. Just after she’d started Margaret was stopped by one of these men.

“He had spotted a Kirby grip in my hair. I had forgotten to remove it. ‘Do it again and you’ll be suspended,’ he said. A few days later we heard about a person who’d been cleaning a big machine with a brush. Somehow a single hair from the brush got into the mechanism. It caused one spark and everything went up. We didn’t know if anyone had been killed. You just had to get on with what you were doing.”

Betty Nettle, 88, worked in Europe’s biggest munitions plant in the Welsh Arsenal at Bridgend, Glamorgan, pasting and wrapping circular pellets containing yellow powder, an explosive component called tetryl. It was boring and repetitive work.

“But when you had finished your shift the powder had stuck to you,” she recalls. Many Bridgend girls like Betty became known as “canaries” because their skin and hair became discoloured from the powder with which they worked. “If the powdery stuff got into your hair it changed colour. Even if just a little bit of hair crept out from under your turban and cap it went green if you were blonde. Black hair went red and your skin was yellow. It went through your clothes and on to your body. If you perspired at night you would find yellow all over the sheets. It was so bad you would think you’d had jaundice.

“The shift work was exhausting. For some people it meant a 12-hour working day if they needed to travel to work two hours each way by foot, bus and train. Thousands of single women were sent off to work in arms factories in extremely far-flung locations, to live in purpose-built hostels for munitions workers or in local billets.

Maisie Jagger, 91, from Essex, was sent away to work making gun cartridges in a small-arms factory in Blackpole, Worcester.

“Leaving home was a shock, living in a strange house in a different part of the country. I missed my family all the time I was there. I hated the noisy factory and the night shifts. It was very tiring. In my break I would go into the toilets and fall asleep for 15 minutes or so, no pillow or anything. That’s how exhausted I was.”

Maisie, used to her mother’s home cooking, also had difficulty with the food her landlady served up. “It wasn’t her fault – there was a war on. People just had to make do with what there was. So I lost a lot of weight.”

After 18 months Maisie was so thin that the factory doctor decided that it would be better if she went home. “They said that I wasn’t healthy enough to carry on doing the factory work.”

The Second World War, WWII, Britain, bomb girls, munition workersLearning how to be munitions workers at the LCC Beaufoy Institute at Lambeth

The danger they faced each day was huge

Maisie spent the rest of her bomb girl years in a Dagenham factory, helping to make parachutes and inflatable dinghies. Like so many the camaraderie she found there made a real difference. “The girls were always laughing and joking. They would even put little notes inside the dinghies for the fighting men saying silly things like, ‘I’ll be waiting for you to come home.'” Ivy Gardiner, 90, worked at the Port Sunlight Lever Brothers factory in the Wirral, Liverpool, converted to munitions work through the war. Initially she assembled jeeps and was later trained as a lathe turner, making undercarriages for bombers.

“Once on night shift I yawned without thinking and a piece of copper spat on to my tongue. ‘Drink milk,’ said the nurse. Everyone around me thought it was funny. ‘That’ll teach you to open your mouth, Ivy,’ they joked.”

But there was no laughter when Ivy saw for herself the severe consequences of ignoring the safety rules. “This girl who worked near me would never tuck her hair under her hat as she was told. One day I saw her bend over to look at something and the drill caught her hair. It scalped her. She screamed the place down, there was blood everywhere.

The drill had yanked her hair out by the roots so it would never grow after that. The ambulance came but we never saw her again.”

Recognition for the value of their work has been a long time coming but even now – despite all they faced – the surviving bomb girls don’t see themselves as heroines. All insist that in wartime everyone else in the country was busy “doing their bit”. “Perhaps because so many of us were young and fairly innocent, that helped,” says Laura Hardwick, aged 92, of her time making bullets and detonators in two huge munititions factories in Aycliffe, County Durham and Swynnerton in Staffordshire.

Laura still retains one very clear picture of those days in her mind’s eye. “I can still see us all now getting off the buses, going through the factory gate, linking arms and singing Bless Them All at the tops of our young voices as we went on to the noisy shop floor.

“We were just tiny wartime cogs, the girls who made the thingummybobs as the Gracie Fields song put it. But at the same time we had each other and we had our youth. There are some very good memories of it all to look back on even now. We all knew that you had to make the best of it, you see.”

To order a copy of Bomb Girls by Jacky Hyams (John Blake Publishing) at £17.99 with free UK delivery, please send a cheque or PO made payable to Express Bookshop to: Jacky Hyams Offer, PO Box 200, Falmouth TR11 4WJ or call 01872 562310 or buy online atexpressbookshop.com

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Tomes and Larger Fish: Book Recommendation

Posted by N. A. Jones on June 1, 2014

Why Is Capital In The 21st Century (C21C) Such A Success?

John Weeks, C21C

About a month ago — this is a true story — after a meeting of Economists Against Austerity, I hailed a taxi in Westminster (the workers of the underground system were on strike). During the ensuring discussion with the driver I mentioned that I taught economics at the University of London before retiring. The driver then asked me, have you read this book by a Frenchman named Piketty?

A London taxi driver discussing an economics book, much less one 578 pages long (text only) qualifies the book as a “phenomenon” by the dictionary definition, “a fact or situation that is observed to exist or happen, especially one whose cause or explanation is in question”. And very much in question the cause is. I am in the process of writing a review of these 578 pages (plus the occasional excursion into a footnote), and at this point limit myself to speculating over why it has swept all before it.

We find many reviews of Capitalism in the 21st Century (subsequently shortened to C21C) most from progressives, soft to hard left. The inequality deniers have yet to launch a frontal assault, though a recent article in the Financial Times by Chris Giles is a shot from that direction (Piketty’s reply). Prominent UK journalist Paul Mason succinctly dismisses the attempted hatchet job (here).

In my view the two best commentaries from progressives are by Tom Palley and Jeff Faux. The latter is important for its discussion of the consequences of extreme inequality, following on from Faux’s latest book that is an excellent treatment of growing inequality and deindustrialization in the United States. Palley’s raises the extremely important question of how progressives should respond to the phenomenally successful C21C given that its methodology, to the extent that it has one, is quite mainstream. Palley concludes that on balance we should treat C21C as part of the progressive struggle against inequality and its causes.

Further to the left reviews have been less flattering, ranging from damning with faint praise to derisive. David Harvey finds “much that is valuable” in C21C, but assesses its remedies for inequality as “naïve if not utopian”, which is an interesting comment from someone whose recent book includes in the title the phrase “the End of Capitalism”. A repeated comment from commentaries by Marxists is that Piketty is not a Marxist, which is rather like complaining that the Pope is not an atheist.

Related to the “he’s no Marxist” criticism are objections to the title, which some view as pretentious, perhaps implying that it may be a latter day Das Kapital (see Harvey). If you have not seen the book, when you do you will find the word “capital” in very large print on the cover and “in the Twenty-first Century” very small. The best interpretation of the cover is that it is pretentious. This is not a criticism that progressives should stress given our tendency to do likewise.

Because I seem to be a much slower reader than others, my review lies on the horizon. This does not undermine an attempt to speculate why C21C threatens to break sales records for an economics book that is not a textbook, an outcome that leaves me overtly envious. If we should believe the rumors about sales, I would be extremely pleased if my new book, Economics of the 1% reached a faction (very small fraction) of C21C. There can be no doubt that the success came as a surprise to both author and publisher (I would be interested to know the last Harvard University Press book to reach five figures in sales).

The standard explanation offered for C21C success is that it represents an idea whose time had come. Krugman is especially keen on this explanation. He believes that C21C will touch off or strengthen the movement to constrain inequality in the United States and elsewhere. I fear that this optimism represents, as Samuel Johnson allegedly said of second marriages, “the triumph of hope over experience” (attributed to Johnson by Boswell).

After calling the timing of C21C “near-perfect”, Palley undermines this explanation by pointing out that, at least in the United States, we can find many books that document the rise of inequality, including at least two by James Galbraith than are considerably more readable than C21C (listed here). It should also be noted that an important part of C21C derives from an article that Piketty wrote with Emmanuel Saez (who, somewhat ungraciously, C21C relegates to footnotes except for two passing mentions in the text).

The “its time had come” explanation suffers from the problem of accounting for one thing we cannot explain (success of C21C) by something else we cannot explain (arrival of a propitious moment). A variant of the “perfect moment” explanation is the suggestion that C21C took off as a result of its endorsement by Krugman. This would convince me if other books endorsed by Krugman had reached phenomenal sales levels, and I can think of none (see for example his review last year of three books on austerity none of which to my knowledge hit the Big Time).

I think that the C21C phenomenon results from the combination of growing concern in North America and Western Europe about the impact of income and wealth inequality, the broad consensus in the media for austerity policies, and Piketty’s tactics of presentation. We frequently encounter media criticism and even outrage at the grotesquely large bonuses of bankers, excessive corporate profits and the extravagant life styles of the super-rich.

In contrast, the media shows no interest in challenges to the fiscal austerity doctrine. To his credit Krugman has consistently trashed the arguments offered for deficit reduction both in the United States and in Europe. However, there is no one in Britain writing a regular newspaper or magazine column who consistently presents an anti-austerity view, nor is there much evidence of the other forms of media. The anti-austerity position is almost entirely confined to web-based media that has a much smaller following.

I suspect — let me stress than I have never met Piketty, only heard him speak (see his Real News interview with Lynn Fries) — that a tactical decision was made to avoid discussion of macroeconomic policy in C21C, as well as to avoid directly confronting political debates. Most of the previous exposés of inequality had overtly linked to neoliberal policies of deregulation, especially in the financial sector. Several years of constant and duplicitous attack on this obviously correct causality by the mainstream of the economics profession, right-wing to the core, drove it from public discussion. So successful has been this counterattack that in both Britain and the United States a majority of people believe that excessive public sector spending explains the lack of a recovery if not the crisis itself.

When listing the many shortcomings of C21C we should not include “naivety”. Unless I am wrong, the decision was made to keep C21C narrowly focused on inequality, while padding that discussion with countless diversions into cultural and historical commentary. The goal was to stimulate debate over inequality rather than seriously deal with causality or policy. That is not the way I would have written C21C, but – hey – it worked. He put the inequality ball in play and now it is for progressives to score a goal with it.

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Literati Radar: Dangerous Friendship

Posted by N. A. Jones on March 4, 2014

Kamin’s book on King, Levison and Kennedys debuts

 

 

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Rabbi Ben Kamin

Rabbi Ben Kamin

 

EAST LANSING, Michigan (Press Release)–Rabbi Ben Kamin’s new book Dangerous Friendship: Stanley Levison, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Kennedy Brothers will be available from Michigan State University Press this April and is available for sale through its website www.msupress.msu.edu and at fine bookstores.

 

The product of long-concealed FBI surveillance documents, Dangerous Friendship chronicles a history of Martin Luther King Jr. that the government kept secret from the public for years. The book tells the story of Stanley Levison, a one-time Communist Party–USA leader who became one of King’s closest friends and, effectively, his most trusted advisor.

 

dangerous friendship by ben kaminLevison, a Jewish attorney and businessman, became King’s pro bono ghostwriter, accountant, fundraiser, and legal adviser. This friendship, however, created many complications for both men. Because of Levison’s former ties to the Communist Party, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover launched an obsessive campaign, wiretapping, tracking, and photographing Levison relentlessly.

 

By association, King was labeled as “a Communist and subversive,” prompting then–attorney general Robert F. Kennedy to authorize secret surveillance of the civil rights leader. It was this effort that revealed King’s sexual philandering and furthered a breakdown of trust between King, Robert F. Kennedy, and eventually President John F. Kennedy. With stunning revelations, this book exposes both the general attitude of the U.S. government toward the privacy rights of American citizens during those difficult years as well as the extent to which King, Levison, and many other freedom workers were hounded by people at the very top of the U.S. security establishment.

 

“This is a story about the lives of four of the men who helped to change American history,” comments Don Murphy, retired president and CEO of the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center.  “It tells the rest of the story that is so often left out of historical narratives. It conveys the tension, betrayal, and loyalties that go hand-in-hand with friendships—especially dangerous friendships. When you are done with this book, you will understand the true meaning of courage and have a deeper understanding of the people and events that led America to finally live out the true meaning of its creed: that all men are created equal.”

 

“Ben Kamin is an experienced and credentialed scholar of the civil rights movement,” said Abraham Foxman, National Director of the Anti-Defamation League.  “In this dramatic and fascinating book, he reveals an important, largely unknown Jewish dimension to that period in history through the person and struggle of Stanley Levison. In great detail, Kamin brings us the uncompromising commitment to freedom, even when that commitment is subject to government harassment of a good man who was clearly motivated by the biblical concepts of social justice and human rights.”

 

“Politics has always made for strange and interesting bedfellows, and that was especially true at the height of the civil rights movement,” Hampton Sides, the author of Hellhound on His Trail, commented.  “With Dangerous Friendship, Ben Kamin continues his keen yet loving exploration into little-known aspects of King’s life and legacy. Intriguingly, Kamin shows the pivotal role Stanley Levison played in King’s rise to grandeur—but also how close their relationship came to ruining him.”

 

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Preceding provided by Michigan State University Press. San Diego Jewish World columnist, Rabbi Ben Kamin, is a freelance writer based in Encinitas, California, who may be contacted via ben.kamin@sdjewishworld.com

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San Diego Jewish World seeks sponsorships to be placed, as this notice is, just below articles that appear on our site.  This is an ideal opportunity for your corporate message or to personally remember a loved one’s contributions to our community.  To inquire, call editor Donald H. Harrison at (619) 265-0808 or contact him via donald.harrison@sdjewishworld.com

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Book Recommendations

Posted by N. A. Jones on November 22, 2013

Source: http://www.goodreads.com/review/show/308403698

Enemy Combatant: My Imprisonment at Guantanamo, Bagram, And Kandahar
by Moazzam Begg, Victoria Brittain
3843117

Ensiform‘s review

Apr 07, 12

bookshelves: non-fiction, war, justice

Read in June, 2008

 

The author, either a pious bookseller and humanitarian or a supporter of al-Qaida, depending on whom you ask, was abducted from his house in Islamabad and spent three years in the titular prisons. Begg is, by other accounts, a reasonable and charming man, and was a model prisoner who got along with several of his guards. His personality shows through in his prose, which is readable, clear, and impassioned without veering into needless vitriol (though he does not bother to hide his disdain for American culture and political ignorance). There are two ways to read the book: the unrepentant apologia of a liar who got caught funding terrorism, or the clarion call of an innocent man nearly destroyed by an unjust and unthinking system.

Personally, I think there’s a bit of truth to both. Begg leaves out an earlier arrest in his memoir, and even at times condemns himself from his own mouth. It isn’t just a post 9/11 America that suspected him; he was investigated by MI5 as early as 1998. He also defends the Taliban, claims that he was allowed to build a girls’ school under them, hints that 9/11 was known ahead of time by US authorities who let it happen, and thinks that Afghanistan was attacked because it was a “purist Islamic state” (which is ludicrous). But at the same time, the outrage of this book is that even if Begg was as bad as Bush and company said, he should have gotten a trial. The charges against him should have been made public and plain. He and all the others should have been treated with a modicum of humanity (which is not the same as respect or complacency). And certainly, US and British intelligence should have conducted interrogations with intelligence and coordination, not the repetitive, unhelpful sessions by any number of alphabet agencies vying with each other instead of sharing information. At the very least, Begg’s memoir shows that the aftermath of the War on Terror was as badly handled in the prisons as it was in the White House.

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Political Affairs: Book Review: Against Gravity

Posted by N. A. Jones on August 4, 2013

Against Gravity

 

Book Review: Against Gravity

Farnoosh Moshiri Penguin Books, 2005

Against Gravity, Iranian writer Farnoosh Moshiri’s stirring latest novel, is set mainly in Houston, Texas in the 1980s. The events in the book are interwoven with the global circumstances of the Cold War at a time when the Reagan administration vigorously supported brutal regimes and terrorist movements in Central America and the Middle East in the name of fighting communism. On the home front, the administration was refusing to address the growing AIDS epidemic or the deepening economic crisis as poverty and ultra right social policies drove the sick into the streets, the poor underground and the working class to near despair.

This context shapes the lives of the novel’s three main characters who narrate the novel’s three sections. Madison Kirby, struggling with mental illness and HIV/AIDS, is haunted by memories of his father, tormented by social alienation, drug addiction and unfulfilled love. Roya Saraabi is an Iranian immigrant mother who escaped with her daughter from the tyranny of the fundamentalist regime that rose to power after a broad national movement overthrow the US-backed despot Shah Pahlavi. After living in Afghanistan and India, she reluctantly makes her way to Texas where the ‘American dream’ proves violently contradictory. The third principal character, Ric Cardinal, is a radical but disillusioned social worker whose political and romantic entanglements leave him isolated.

The lives of these three people collide and intertwine over a decade, finally climaxing just before the launch of the first invasion of Iraq. Throughout the novel the characters examine their lives and memories, trying to understand who and where they are and how they get there. Madison is rapidly closing in on death, which he laments is like being pushed out just before he was able to make his mark in the world. ‘I was worthless,’ he thinks in a moment of brutal clarity. ‘I had done nothing. I was being pushed out of life before I had left a mark. What had I done in my life? What had I created or achieved?’ Having grown up in an intellectual household (with its own family skeletons) and with so much of his own potential having gone to waste, Madison is driven to the brink of madness when he realizes death foreclosed on his chances to have achieved something brilliant. When Roya and her daughter move into the dingy apartment next door to him, will he find one more chance for love?

Roya has been in the country three days when she meets Madison. Victimized by the regime in Iran and unconfident about her ability to speak English or to even interact with her new neighbors, Roya withdraws from Madison’s clumsy and manic advances. Struggling with two or three jobs at any given time, a daughter who is uncomfortable with life in Houston, and her memories, Roya has little time for romance. Yet, she yearns for intimacy and validation.

Her ongoing existential struggle is between her memories and her present life. ‘Didn’t the people of my past deserve remembering?’ she wonders at one point. ‘Wasn’t I finally acquiring an identity by forgetting who I’d been?’ Success in the US seemed to be dependent on shaking free from the anchors of the past, but Roya isn’t ready to lose herself that way.

The three characters are brought together when Madison suggests that Roya seek help finding work and counseling for her daughter from his close friend Ric Cardinal who co-founded a social service agency that assists some of Houston’s underprivileged. Ironically, Ric helps bring material and medical help to the victims of capitalism, but he too is anguished. Childhood abandonment by his parents and the grotesqueness of his grandfather’s embalming business have fostered in Ric deep fears of loss and death. A series of failed dysfunctional relationships, political disillusionment fueled by the revelation that his close comrade was an FBI agent, and his son’s growing mental illness, cause Ric to resist forming strong personal attachments. His dog Willy seems a more suitable companion. Will he find the emotional resources he needs to not only carry on, but to continue to believe in fighting for people’s needs, for justice?

Moshiri weaves a beautiful tale from the fabric of real life. This novel is an immigrant’s tale, but not in the usual sense. It isn’t a story about making it in a land of opportunity, or other mythical views of what life is like here. It is a story about the intersection of wounded lives trampled on by forces larger than themselves. It is about loss, sadness, rejection and hopelessness, yet in these people and their stories we see mirrored our own struggles to survive, to find happiness and worth, even as we are confronted by life. Along with violence, anger, hate and despair, we can see hope and potential happiness, not as a result of some myth of the ‘American dream,’ but rather as a result of our solidarity with one another and the continued faith in the rightness of our struggle.

Against Gravity is an honest, sensitive and well-written tour de force. It is the novel that shines brightest among Moshiri’s three brilliant novels. Moshiri has also authored At the Wall of the Almighty and The Bathouse, both set in Iran during the rise of the fundamentalist regime.

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Luck of the Draw: Fluff and Dust

Posted by N. A. Jones on July 22, 2013

Reading now: (min. 10 pages a day)

(Started today halfway though the first chapter)

The Love Wife a novel by Gish Jen

ISBN 1-4000-4213-5

aLTERNATES already started:

Dracula by Bram Stoker  in paperback

Canterbury Tales by Chaucer

*read all introductions and writer’s notes

 

Making a point to look for literature of the revolutionary after this.

Must go bug other librarians for that rec. Then we’ll be really grovin’ by September.

And maybe,just maybe I’ll understand the nomer without hesitation or complaint.

Truly dear, how do you heal if not regrow civilization with these seeds?

Democracies are organic in someways and I’d like to think nature can be befriended.

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Hard Copy

Posted by N. A. Jones on July 17, 2013

Slow and Steady, I'll finish the pile.

Slow and Steady, I’ll finish the pile.

I committed to a hard copy last month and it I am working on the assembling right now. Its roughly ten pages with a cover and tools. Above is a shot of the final copy. My tastes lean towards the artistic and to the left you will see a hand sewn binding. Besides that, I do not own a stapler for that size of material.

On the outside are the tools; seven crayons of various colors for the inside material. It is meant as a distraction away from things that meander around deep thoughts when reading (i.e. a built in break).

The production is completely free, nothing is expected in return.

Right now I am feeling a datedness about the material. Still, it gives a rough overview of bubble up in national press. I’m itching to make sense of a lager data cache. Then again I do have a life to tend to. Obviously if it calls to my mind, maybe, just maybe it needs to be done.

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Book and Film Recommendations

Posted by N. A. Jones on April 7, 2013

The Gatekeepers from Israel and a film version of Jack Kerouac’s On the Road

By Joanne Laurier
4 April 2013

The Gatekeepers, directed by Dror Moreh; On the Road, directed by Walter Salles, screenplay by Jose Rivers, based on the novel by Jack Kerouac.

Director Dror Moreh’s new documentary The Gatekeepers provides a glimpse into the crisis wracking Israeli society and the failing Zionist project.

The film’s core is made up of interviews with former directors of the Shin Bet, the Israeli internal security agency (also known by the acronym Shabak), whose primary mandate since the Six Day War in 1967 has been repressing the Arab population in the West Bank and Gaza and within Israel itself.

The Gatekeepers

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The fact that six key leaders of the secretive organization speak rather gloomily on camera about how they view the current state of affairs in Israel is extraordinary and revelatory. With an unusual degree of candor, each describes how he pursued his task ruthlessly and each in his own way expresses anxiety about Israel’s prospects.

The disastrous situation created by the nearly seventy-year persecution of the Palestinians deeply concerns the filmmaker. In the immediate aftermath of the 1967 conflict, one million Palestinians came under military rule. Admitting in an interview to being “pessimistic,” about a solution to the Palestinian question, Moreh states the “problems that America is dealing with [in the “war on terror”] are the same problems that the film deals with: How much physical pressure can you [apply] while torturing people? How much can an occupation succeed? Is targeted assassination a good technique or not a good technique? Will it lead where we want it to lead?”

Moreh’s documentary is all the more remarkable given his conservative political and ideological background. In 2000-01, he directed political campaign ads for Ariel Sharon, the ultra-right former general and defense minister who was challenging Israel’s incumbent prime minister, Ehud Barak. Moreh also worked for Sharon in 2003, and again in 2006, before Sharon suffered a stroke.

The Gatekeepers’ director Dror Moreh

In The Gatekeepers, Moreh pushes his subjects to elaborate on some of their more notorious exploits. Avraham Shalom, an old man with red suspenders and a cruel glint in his eyes, ran Shin Bet from 1980 to 1986. The filmmaker presses him about the beating and summary execution of two unarmed hijackers in the 1984 “Bus 300 Affair,” a sordid affair that lead to Shalom’s resignation from Shin Bet and nearly brought down the government of Yitzhak Shamir. “You killed a terrorist whose hands were tied.” How is that moral, asks the director. Shalom coldly replies: “With terrorists, there are no morals.”

Avi Dichter, who headed the agency from 2000 to 2005, oversaw the 2002 assassination of Hamas leader Salah Shehadeh by ordering a one-ton bomb to be dropped on a crowded Gaza City neighborhood, resulting in the deaths of 14 other people, including eight children. Another notable assassination by Shin Bet, described in the film in the segment “Collateral Damage,” was that of Hamas “engineer” Yahya Ayyash, killed in 1996 by a cell phone rigged with explosives. Dichter says in Moreh’s movie that “you can’t make peace with military means.”

Interspersed with the interviews is harrowing archival footage of half-naked, brutalized Palestinian prisoners, as well as mass protest demonstrations against the Israeli government. “You knock on doors in the middle of the night, these moments end up etched deep inside you. When you retire, you become a bit of a leftist,” says Yaakov Peri, who was in charge from 1988 to 1994, during the first Palestinian Intifada, or insurrection.

“We all have our moments,” says Yuval Diskin, director from 2005 to 2011. “Maybe you’re shaving and you think, ‘I make a decision and x number of people are killed.’ The power to take lives in an instant, there’s something unnatural about it.”

The former Shin Bet leaders denounce the politicians who, for example, oversaw minimal punishment meted out to the Gush Emunim West Bank settlers’ group, known as the Jewish Underground, for their 1984 plans to destroy the Dome of the Rock, a Muslim shrine, which would have had major international consequences.

A number of the interviewees agree with curbing Jewish settlements on the West Bank and generally favor a two-state solution to the Palestinian question, which may reflect, as Peri’s comment suggests, a degree of political hindsight. Along these lines, the 1995 assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin—whose government signed the 1993 Oslo peace accords with the Palestine Liberation Organization—by a Zionist zealot is universally lamented in the movie.

Toward the film’s end, several stark pronouncements are made: remarkably, Shalom asserts that Israel has become “a brutal occupation force, similar to the Germans in World War II”; Carmi Gillon, Shin Bet director from 1994 to 1996, concedes that “we are making the lives of millions unbearable”; and Ami Ayalon (1996 to 2000) claims that the “tragedy of Israel’s public security debate is that we win every battle, but lose the war.”

The Gatekeepers emerges out of the fissures created by the crisis of Israeli society, a state built on ethnicity and exclusivity, aided and abetted by the most powerful imperialist countries, particularly the United States. The filmmaker is pleading for the Israeli political establishment to change course, something rendered impossible by Zionism’s entire history and trajectory. Whatever his political past and motives, however, Moreh has directed a valuable and insightful work.

On the Road

“With the coming of Dean Moriarty began part of my life you could call my life on the road,” Jack Kerouac wrote famously in his 1957 novel about postwar America, On the Road. Kerouac (1922-1969), a leading figure in the Beat movement, penned his book while traveling back and forth across the US and Mexico. His chronicles involve a complex cast of real-life personalities, whose names were changed in the novel, in some cases to avoid libel suits. Disaffected with and alienated from official, conformist American society of the time, they were dubbed by the author a “lemon lot.”

On the Road

Combining an appealing cast, alluring cinematography and a jazz soundtrack featuring the electrifying music of Charlie Parker and Slim Gaillard, Brazilian director Walter Salles (born 1956) has attempted to make a movie that retains the feel of the Kerouac literary classic. Salles has directed a number of interesting films, including Central Station (1998), Motorcycle Diaries [based on the diaries of Che Guevara] (2004) and Linha de Passe (2008).

The year is 1947. Sal Paradise (based on Kerouac, played by Sam Riley) and his gay poet friend Carlo Marx (Allen Ginsberg, played by Tom Sturridge) become emotionally gripped by the charismatic Dean Moriarty (Neal Cassady, played by Garrett Hedlund), a hustler and quasi-intellectual with an unquenchable thirst for breaking social taboos. (Kerouac: “Dean just raced in society, eager for bread and love.”) Dean’s young life has been split into thirds—pool halls, jail and the public library. A dog-eared copy of Proust is his constant companion.

From his mother’s apartment in Ozone Park, Queens (as opposed to his aunt’s in the novel), Sal sets off by thumb, bus and car across the country. Most times he is joined by Dean and the latter’s 16-year-old child bride Marylou (LuAnne Henderson, played by Kristen Stewart), whom he is in the process of dumping for the San Francisco-based sophisticate Camille (Carolyn Cassady, played by Kirsten Dunst).

In between coasts, there are a few stopovers. On a visit to New Orleans, they meet up with Old Bull Lee (William S. Burroughs, played by Viggo Mortensen). Says Sal about Old Bull: “Let’s just say now, he was a teacher, and it may be said that he had every right to teach because he spent all his time learning,” and pushing heroin into his veins.

Summing up his code of life, Sal proclaims that the “only people for me are the mad ones. The ones who are mad to live, mad to talk, mad to be saved, desirous of everything at the same time, the ones that never yawn or say a commonplace thing, but burn, burn, burn like Roman candles across the night.”

It is perhaps director Salles’ difficulty in dramatizing the source of what Kerouac terms “maniacal extremes” that accounts for an overabundance of explicit sex in the film. Salles does explain in an interview that “I was struck by the way sex and drugs were described as a bridge to transcend the limited territory in which society tried to confine those young men and women.” Unfortunately, because a detailed picture of the social and cultural landscape is lacking, the constant presence of sex and drugs in the movie, essentially devoid of what is more thoughtful and insightful in Kerouac, becomes tedious.

Salles’ reasons for making the film are interesting. (No other film adaptation has been made of On the Road, although the lives of Kerouac, Cassady and the others have been the subject of numerous documentary and fiction films, including John Byrum’s not very successful Heart Beat (1980) with Nick Nolte and Big Sur (2013), directed by Michael Polish, with Josh Lucas as Cassady. In 1957, Kerouac wrote a letter to Marlon Brando, suggesting that Brando play Dean while he would play Sal.)

In a recent interview with the Daily Planet, Salles says: “I was 18 when I read On the Road for the first time, and we were living under military dictatorship in Brazil. There was censorship in all forms of cultural expression; cinema, theater, and music—and worse than that there was exile, there was torture. So when I read On the Road it hadn’t been published and translated in Brazil yet, since there was censorship in literature as well. We read it in English, as we were entering University.

“What was striking to us, was those characters in search in all forms of freedom were actually managing to really find a future and we were not. They were allowed to become what they wanted and we didn’t have that opportunity. The whole idea of investigating the forbidden was exactly what was not offered to us. I remember the book traveled from hands to hands in class, and when it came back to me, it had writing from other students and I still keep this copy.”

Salles’ response to the book (his previous favorite had apparently been J.D. Salinger’s Catcher in the Rye ) is understandable and even moving. Taking the film beyond that generalized opposition to tyranny and desire for freedom in the direction of something concrete and telling proves more difficult and some of the difficulty may lie with the novel itself.

There is still something to On the Road after more than half a century, although it may become more and more of a social-historical document as time passes. There are pictures of life and youth in Kerouac’s novel, of some of the possibilities provided by the end of the Depression and the war. No reference is made to the anti-communist mania that was going on at the time of the book’s events, but, at least by implication, it aims to offer a criticism or a quasi-alternative to that, with its full-speed chronicle of cars, buses, trains, odd jobs, odd characters, drinking, sex, conversation, poetry, jazz, restlessness, moments of ecstasy and misery.

There is a certain feeling for the underdog; the depictions in the book—and movie—of the exploited immigrant population, eking out an existence picking cotton and loading heavy bags of grain onto rail cars, are some of the most memorable.

At any rate, along with Ginsberg’s Howl, Burroughs’ Junkie, Herbert Huncke’s The Evening Sun Turned Crimson and some other works, On the Road is part of the Beat contribution to America’s knowing and representing itself.

A few evocative quotes from Kerouac’s On the Road .

“It was three children of the earth trying to decide something in the night and having all the weight of past centuries ballooning in the dark before them.”

“LA is the loneliest and most brutal of American cities; New York gets god-awful cold in the winter but there’s a feeling of wacky comradeship somewhere in the streets. LA is a jungle.”

“I knew I had lived a whole life and many others in the poor atomistic husk of my flesh, and I had all the dreams.”

“…by now the children must be crying in the land where they let children cry.”

 

The author also recommends:

Use, exchange, literary values and an American classic: Jack Kerouac’s On the Road turns fifty
[24 September 2007]

Allen Ginsberg’s “Howl”: Fifty years later and in its own time
[5 April 2007]

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Book Post

Posted by N. A. Jones on February 28, 2013

Bay Area Underground: New Book Explores Protests And Social Movements (PHOTOS)

Posted: 02/25/2013 7:00 pm EST  |  Updated: 02/25/2013 7:10 pm EST

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This post was excerpted from Bay Area Underground: Photos of Protests and Social Movements, 2008-2012 (Thought Publishing / January 2013 / $25.00), by Bay Area natives Joe Sciarrillo and Matt Werner.

Occupy Oakland. The shooting of Oscar Grant. The 2008 election of Barack Obama. These events raise images and memories to people in the Bay Area. But what if the mainstream media narrative didn’t fully capture the reality of what happened? What if key viewpoints were kept silent by journalists cranking out stories on 11 p.m. deadlines?

Bay Area Underground features photos of the Bay Area’s major events over the last five years. These images call the reader to look back and re-examine how these changes affected the Bay Area’s social and political landscape. Now that the dust has settled, or perhaps the more apt metaphor is, now that the clouds of tear gas have subsided, the whizz of rubber bullets and blinding flash bang grenades has calmed down, we can come together and piece together what happened during these major events, and figure out what they mean to us today.

Story continues below…

Bay Area Underground (Follow link to the source article where a picture slide show is located in the middle of the article)
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Matt Werner & Joe Sciarrillo

The San Francisco Bay Area is home to several large cities (San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, and Richmond). Its nine counties total 7.15 million people. Each city fosters its own identities and cultures as well as subcultures within each neighborhood. Rebecca Solnit writes “No two people live in the same city,” but our book shows how cities and neighborhoods blend together and create an interplay of identities. This nuanced perspective, captured with Joe’s multiple-angle camera shots, helps readers transcend the black and white, stereotyped images and labels in the mainstream media, and hopefully help Bay Area residents form a more complete narrative of the last few years.

The 2010 Census reveals dramatic demographic shifts in Bay Area neighborhoods, and the next decade promises to bring even more changes to the Bay Area. These shifts will likely produce conflict, but also generate exciting cultural movements and creative new uses of urban space. My book Oakland in Popular Memory captured the great movements happening today in Oakland’s art and music scene, and the Bay Area will continue to be a center for culture production. However, the Great Recession still looms over our cities, with a high rate of unemployment, foreclosures, community struggles, homelessness, and education budget cuts. The next five years will likely bring more fights for the preservation of public spaces, community landmarks, social services, affordable neighborhoods, and tenants’ rights.

It’s hard to articulate the asymmetries and multiple worlds coexisting in the same space, and unfortunately, it oftens comes down to clashes, like Occupy, or the shooting of Oscar Grant, when these asymmetries are revealed to the general public. When these shocking events happen, they call us to step back and question our values, and ask, “How could such a thing happen in one of the most progressive and diverse regions on the planet?” Joe’s photos artfully reveal the many asymmetries of our society, and some of his photos, such as the can collector on p. 25 picking up beer bottles after Bay to Breakers runners, give a glimpse of the world through the eyes of the disenfranchised in our community, whose stories often aren’t told. Some of the photos, like the library at Occupy Oakland on p. 111, run against the mainstream media narrative about the camp being overrun by disorganized anarchists and drug dealers.

Most of the photos in the book were taken by Joe Sciarrillo who was on the ground photographing the major protests in the Bay Area over the last five years. He’s co-founder of the African Advocacy Network in San Francisco’s Mission District. Joe took photos at the various rallies and protests he attended while advocating for immigrant rights. We published our event coverage on my blog and on the news website Oakland Local. Out of the thousands of photographs we took, we chose the best 130 images and had Isa Woods edit them to make the photos look consistent. In all, we used six different digital cameras, ranging from a Canon EOS 5D Mark II to the 7 mega-pixel camera on my Android phone. Given the spontaneity of some events we documented, we had to shoot with what we had on us at the time.

What’s interesting is that many of these social movements and cultural events complemented each other–they didn’t live in isolation. For example, pages 82-84 feature photos taken at Oakland’s First Friday Art Murmur, but visually, they look as if they were taken at Occupy Oakland protests. It’s still too early to determine the Occupy movement’s legacy in Oakland, but since the movement started in 2011, several new art galleries have opened up near “Oscar Grant Plaza” in Downtown Oakland. At an event like the First Friday Art Murmur in Oakland, hip-hop artists come into contact with conceptual artists, urban farmers, activists, and cycling advocates. At these cultural events, Bay Area thought leaders from a cornucopia of subcultures gather to present their work, exchange ideas, and inspire each other.

Sports celebrations add a unique component to the book because they unite Bay Area residents based on geography and not through political ties. Many residents throughout the Bay Area, regardless of political affiliation, religion, or economic status identify with the Oakland A’s or San Francisco Giants, and likewise with the Oakland Raiders and San Francisco 49ers. San Francisco’s teams did exceptionally well in the time period of this book, and we’ve captured Giants fans celebrating in the street in the opening pages.

Nearly all of the photos in the book were taken in San Francisco and Oakland, because that’s where Joe and I live and go out. We focused on these locations because that’s where we’ve grown up and what we know best. It’s also where much of the cultural and political action is, so we decided to focus our attention on those cities.

And while neither of us really has the Occupy movement “all wrapped up,” and may not agree with all the different causes we documented, we felt compelled to include these events in this book. We saw that people in our community were upset, and they took to the street because often they had few alternative options to make their voices heard. We knew these stories were newsworthy at the time, and we were surprised when some events weren’t covered at all by the media, or covered in a very limited capacity. Looking back at this book ten years from now, it will be interesting to see how the events in this book will shape those to come. This book captures the indefatigable democratic spirit in the Bay Area, where ideas are forged that–for better or worse–go on to power the world. Joe and I were privileged as photojournalists to document what we saw.

Meet the authors at Oakland’s SoleSpace on Friday, March 15 at 7 p.m.

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Underground Journalism

Posted by N. A. Jones on October 29, 2012

New Age founder to present book, tales of underground journalism

By AARON MANSFIELD

Editor in Chief

Published: Thursday, October 4, 2012

Updated: Friday, October 5, 2012 11:10

krehbiel Nick Fischetti /// The Spectrum

Sophomore business majors Tina Young, Reina Matsuda and Asuka Momura (right to left) talk to author Paul Krehbiel about the section he contributed to Voices from the Underground.

Paul Krehbiel was paranoid when he was a UB student. He felt threatened, in physical danger, many days.

In 1970, Krehbiel was a founder and one of the leaders of New Age – a UB-student-run publication that published controversial stories on the anti-war and social justice movements and lasted one year – which he described as “fiercely independent and radical.” Police in Buffalo frequently beat anyone they saw rebelling against the Vietnam War, according to Krehbiel, who is now 64.

Krehbiel’s memories of New Age were recently published in Voices from the Underground: Insider Histories from the Vietnam Era Underground Press (Part Two). The book is part of a four-volume anthology of first-hand stories about running underground newspapers across the country from 1965-73. Krehbiel – who is now retired in Pasadena, Calif. – will visit several locations in Buffalo this week to present the book and talk about what it was like running an underground newspaper. Though it wasn’t illegal to run the newspapers, many of the writers – who feared losing their jobs – were anonymous.

“[The writers] were voices that were primarily motivated by opposition to the war in Vietnam and in support of other liberal and left causes,” Krehbiel said. “Equality for blacks, Latinos, other minorities and women. It was a variety of progressive causes of the day that didn’t necessarily have the full support of all the people.”

Krehbiel, who grew up in Buffalo and went to local Kenmore West High School, wrote opinion columns for The Spectrum in the late ’60s and early ’70s. New Age’s founders solicited donations from their readership and always made just enough to print their 10,000-issue quota.

Krehbiel was primarily interested in art until he got a job at Standard Mirror, an old auto parts factory in 1968.

“My experience in that factory started to open my eyes politically,” Krehbiel said. “Initially, I believed everything we were told by the government and mass media about the war in Vietnam. I didn’t have any reason not to. But as I started to find out more about the war – either things I read or talking to people returning from the war – I started to paint a different picture.

“Those stories and a lot of others started to turn me against the war, and working in this factory, there were terrible working conditions. The management was kind of abusive toward the workers and the union was a wall between the abusive management and those of us who were working there. I got active in the union.”

Krehbiel left Standard Mirror and began taking classes at UB, where he met a handful of other radical students and professors.

“I really developed my political consciousness,” Krehbiel said.

The group formed New Age, which they distributed to mainly factories – the hot beds for the social justice movement – and other union workplaces around Buffalo.

He spouts jaw-dropping stories effortlessly and will give his first book presentation on Sunday at Riverside-Salem Church in Grand Island from 4 to 6 p.m.

“This is a book written by people who worked on underground newspapers at the time,” Krehbiel said. “Most of them are from my generation and now 40 years later, we’re reflecting on what it was like to put these papers out during that period.”

The Spectrum will publish a feature on Krehbiel and New Age later this semester.

 

Email: news@ubspectrum.com

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Status Report: Alif

Posted by N. A. Jones on September 15, 2012

Sorry for the dead time and lack of status reports. In any case the roster review the leaving of prostitutes from the locales I dwelling. It has been interesting so far, just a lack of noise and chatter. Other mentions are too minor or nonesuch to the point that I would rather not believe as well.

For where I am at check out this site on Alif the unseen. Totally getting to know the Arab Spring through a different filter. If G. Willow Wilson is a plug writer for the CIA who knows. Chapter three finished and I’m moving on. A chapter a day minimum. 21 days and 17 chapters. I have some time to spare with the local ‘brary. If you are tech mobile and a protester, you mighty likey likey the read.

Meanwhile writing The Medicine Wars in the background of my days is aching my brain cells. I hope the slow weave produces a tome for publishing.

Over and lulling out to the crickets and breezes through the red tip and live oaks.

W.H. Tespid

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Book Recommendation

Posted by N. A. Jones on August 1, 2012

Radicals’ spy games played for irony

Reviewed Andrew Dunn

James Bond is the unlikely role model for the baby-boomer protagonists of “True Believers,” Kurt Andersen’s brisk and zeitgeisty novel about 1960s radicals and the lives they invented once the counterculture became the culture.

 

Bond leaped from the mind of Ian Fleming in the 1950s as narrator Karen Hollander and her friends came of age in the Chicago suburb of Wilmette. His love of luxury brands, fancy gadgets and globe-trotting intrigue seems quaint and prophetic in light of today’s social networks, e-commerce and iEverything.

 

Looking back from 2014, Hollander – a 60-ish grandmother near the end of a career as a law-school dean, corporate litigator, U.S. Justice Department official and TV talking head for lukewarm Clintonian liberalism – sees how her youthful ideals were in many ways as simplistic, and persistent, as the typical Bond intrigue.

 

Hollander is planning a memoir that will expose a shameful incident from her college days, much to the alarm of her ex-fellow travelers: Alex, an international arts entrepreneur, and Buzzy, a more-conservative-than-thou recovering leftist. Her reminiscences build toward a Big Reveal of the secret they have carried since 1968 and its terrible consequences for a fellow Harvard student.

 

Within that framework, Andersen takes us on a tour of affluent mid-century America. It exposes a sad truth about Hollander and her crowd: No matter how committed they thought they were to the Movement in the 1960s, they were mostly just a vast consumer market.

 

Andersen, co-founder of the 1980s satirical magazine Spy, has a keen eye for irony. Our post-9/11 skittishness about terrorism is contrasted with the frequent, almost casual bombings carried out in the 1960s and ’70s.

 

“Bill Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn badly wanted to be revolutionary celebrities, household names, but they never were, not really, in their prime. Even after their nth bombing, the nightly news still had to identify them as ‘a radical group calling itself the Weather Underground,’ ” Andersen writes.

 

Civil-rights gains were for the most part the work of an earlier generation, as were many of the technological advances that paved the way for boomer tycoons. The campus peace movement may have brought down Lyndon Johnson, but it didn’t stop Richard Nixon’s rise or halt the war in Vietnam.

 

Like a Cold War spy novelist, Andersen creates a world of shifting identities. His adolescent protagonists pretend to track unsuspecting arch-villains through the country clubs and shopping malls of Wilmette.

In college, their outrageous plot bears the marks of the same childish play-acting. In later life, Hollander learns that her closest confidants were never what they seemed – they were double, even triple agents. Andersen’s true believers are neither.

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Book Recommendation: Cindy Sheehan

Posted by N. A. Jones on July 5, 2012

Video: Cindy Sheehan: Revolution. A Love Story – plus David Rovics music set

Cindy is on a book tour and spoke in Portland on 6.23.12 at the First Unitarian Church. David Rovics played a few songs before she spoke…To a full room of listeners in Portland Oregon, Cindy Sheehan shares about her life, friends and recent travels.

Her new book is titled: Revolution: A Love Story.
Its about her recent trip to Venezuela and what she learned.

The 2 separate videos from this event on 6/23/12 are listed below:

Cindy Sheehan
 http://youtu.be/eBC1f3KKjEU (1 hr 24 min video)

David Rovics
 http://youtu.be/DEsfq90Jf-0 (20 min video)

 http://www.cindysheehanssoapbox.blogspot.com/

Cindy Sheehan

Cindy Sheehan

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