The Underground Librarian

What cats do before meeting curiosity sellers….

Screenshots: The Hothouse – Play Review

Posted by Tespid on May 22, 2013

The Hothouse – review

Trafalgar Studios, London

4 out of 5
The Hothouse – Trafalgar Studios
John Simm is flawless as the conniving Gibbs suggesting the perennial company man, even down to the pens in his breast pocket.

Harold Pinter was, among many other things, a comic writer; and I would distrust any Pinter evening that didn’t make us laugh. But, richly pleasurable and boundlessly funny as Jamie Lloyd’s new production of this early Pinter play is, I feel it misses something of its chilling political undertow.

The history of The Hothouse is that Pinter wrote it in 1958, put it to one side and only rescued it from oblivion in 1980. What astonishes me every time I see it is how eerily prophetic it is in its vision of a world where psychiatric hospitals are used as a means of curing social dissidents. In this case we are in some deeply English “rest home” run by a tetchy ex-colonel, Roote, who on Christmas Day finds himself confronted by a dual crisis: one of his numerically identified patients, 6457, has died while another, 6459, has unexpectedly given birth.

What follows is a blackly comic portrait of the insidious corruption of power in which Roote finds himself increasingly cornered. Blame for the pregnancy is placed on a luckless security man, Lamb, who, if not exactly led to the slaughter, is reduced to a state of catatonia. And the desperate Roote finds himself drawn into the web of guilt by his staff including the openly insubordinate Lush, the mockingly sexual Miss Cutts and the Machiavellian organisation man Gibbs. It is, in the end, a deeply moral play suggesting that state-sanctioned torture and cruelty exist but are inexorably undermined by their disregard of the natural laws.

It is also a biliously funny play and the casting of Simon Russell Beale as Roote ensures that the laughs come thick and fast. He is hilarious as he reacts to the news of one patient’s death with a look of thunderstruck horror and, in seeking to identify the impregnated party, dreamily enquires “Quite a sensual sort of face?” Russell Beale is also very good at swivel-eyed panic and never lets us forget that, while Roote is a tinpot tyrant, he himself is in nervous thrall to his ministerial superiors.

I laughed incessantly at Russell Beale’s performance but his Roote seems to be in a state of incipient collapse from the off whereas Pinter, when he played the role, showed us a figure of awesome power who only disintegrated as the play progressed.

John Simm, however, is flawless as the conniving Gibbs suggesting the perennial company man, even down to the pens in his breast pocket, with all the instincts of a serpent. And there is a wealth of fine supporting performances. John Heffernan as the mutinous Lush is a dangerous dandy in a purple suit, Harry Melling as the sacrificial Lamb has all the nervous energy of the promotion-hungry newcomer and Indira Varma as Miss Cutts is a sumptuous mix of parodic vamp and the Lady Macbeth of the filing cabinets.

All the comedy of Pinter’s play, in fact, comes strongly across. And, like the rest of the audience, I found myself roaring at moments such as that when Russell Beale seeks to stuff a wedge of Christmas cake the size of a door-stopper down a subordinate’s throat. It is also good, in Lloyd’s production, to see Pinter played with such zip and zest. But I was reminded how Pinter once remarked that The Caretaker was funny only up to a point and it was because of that point that he wrote it. The same, I’d suggest, is true of a politically lethal play like The Hothouse.

• Guardian Extra members can buy a Top Price ticket and a drink for just £49.50. For more, go to guardian.co.uk/extra

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Reporter remembers fear in Videla’s Argentina – WSLS 10 NBC in Roanoke/Lynchburg Va

Posted by Tespid on May 22, 2013

Reporter remembers fear in Videla’s Argentina – WSLS 10 NBC in Roanoke/Lynchburg Va.

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International religious freedom report 2013

Posted by Tespid on May 22, 2013

Report:
National Review Online (blog)-7 hours ago
US Report Says Religious Freedom On The Decline Worldwide

In-Depth

-RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty-May 20, 2013

Kerry: Blasphemy, Apostasy, Anti-Semitism Troubling Trends in Int’l

Christian Post-May 20, 2013
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry on Monday introduced the release of the 2012 International Religious Freedom report, which is compiled by

Kerry says religious freedom is the right of every human being

UPI.com-18 hours ago
In remarks coinciding with the release of the 2012 International Religious Freedom Report, Kerry said religious freedom is “ingrained in every

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Remarks on the Release of the International Religious Freedom Report

Posted by Tespid on May 22, 2013

Remarks on the Release of the International Religious Freedom Report.

Posted in U.S. Foreign Policy | Leave a Comment »

Exerpt Dissident Voice: Script from the radicals

Posted by Tespid on May 19, 2013

Dissident Voice: a radical newsletter in the struggle for peace and social justiceDrugs, Guns, and Politics

Ron Jacobs’ newest novel All the Sinners Saints is being published April 15, 2013 by Fomite Press. Fomite will also republish the two previous novels in the series, Short Order Frame Up and The Co-Conspirator’s Tale, as part of an unboxed set. Here, Kathleen Brown and Ron discuss his work.

Kathleen Brown: Where does the inspiration for your fiction come from?

Ron Jacobs: My fiction comes from real life. I’ve watched a lot of shit go down in the past 40-45 years and participated in my share. Although the plot of each novel is fiction, the fact is that it could have happened.

KB: How much are events in your fiction based on true events (like the struggle over People’s Park), and how much is invented? Is there conflict over situating invented characters and events over a strongly historical moment?

Sinners front for webRJ: I try to keep true to the historical reality of the times my novels are located in. So, for example, there really were a few battles over Berkeley’s People’s Park; there really were leftist/anarchist groups intent on armed struggle operating in the United States; racism really was rampant in the Maryland suburbs of Washington, DC and Baltimore. (In fact, racism still is pretty rampant, come to think of it.) I invent many of the situations my characters find themselves in, but try to keep the broader moment of time historically accurate. As for placing invented characters into a historical moment—I find this approach actually easier than trying to portray actual people. After all, writing about actual people and trying to personalize them by providing motive and depth to the character is considerably harder than inventing characters and then creating motive and characteristics from my head.

KB: And, related, in comparison to The Way the Wind Blew, a historical account of the Weather Underground, how do you approach your fiction? Do you center it around one historical event that you research deeply? Perhaps you could talk about process.

RJ: My fiction develops slowly. My first novel, Short-Order Frame Up, gelled in my mind for years. I knew there was a story to tell but I couldn’t put my mind around how to tell it. Then, the idea of making it a crime novel came up. From there, I was able to create a structure that enabled me to tell the story in the novel. All three of my novels are historically located around events I was aware of as a participant or very interested observer. As for research, I have always been a person who collects and stores information, not in a compulsive way but just because I can. On top of that, I try to recall emotions and other less-concrete aspects of the time I want to write about. Then, I start writing. All three of my novels developed over a period of a couple years. After gelling in my mind, then writing down notes and ideas I will sit down and kick out a draft in a week or two. Then I let it sit for a month before I re-visit it.

KB: In All the Sinners Saints, we see character Porgy Johnson as a young man, cutting his teeth in antiwar and antiracist activism in Germany as a GI.  In Short-Order Frame Up and The Co-Conspirator’s Tale, our protagonist is Peter Somers, who crosses paths with Porgy, as Porgy flees murder charges in California.  Why did you decide to have a crew of characters whose lives intersect, and whose stories overlap?

RJ: I don’t know if it was as much a conscious decision as it was a desire to develop the characters more.  After I wrote Short Order Frame Up and introduced Peter, the story I told there was tugging at me to expand on it.  The best way to do that that I could come up with was by developing the characters and move them around in time.  Porgy came to me while I was trying to come up with a new situation for Peter in the book which became The Co-Conspirator’s Tale.  As for All the Sinners Saints, it turned out to be a prequel.  Overlapping and intersecting wasn’t intentional as much as it was accidental–kind of like many people’s lives turn out.

KB: Peter Somers, your protagonist in Short-Order Frame Up and The Co-Conspirator’s Tale, is an affable guy, concerned with the wellbeing of his friends and loved ones, but also nomadic and rootless- able to pick up at any time and move on. He seems interested in, yet distanced from, explicitly revolutionary politics. Where do characters such as Peter come from?

RJ: Most of my characters are reminiscent of people I have known (or still know). Usually, each character is a combination of various traits from different friends, acquaintances and even enemies I have made over the years. There’s bit of me in Peter… Then again, some of them are made up out of almost thin air.

KB: One of Hemingway’s constant companions in his fiction was alcohol. Readers can almost count the passing of time by his protagonists’ alcohol consumption. I was reminded of this while reading your work. Your protagonists and characters are often imbibing in legal and illegal palliative substances. Why is this such a large part of the daily experiences of your characters? What does it say about that time in American and German history?

RJ: The characters in this series all either exist in or came from a time period and culture where the use of marijuana, LSD and other drugs was permitted, if not expected. Add to that the fact that many of them lived most of their lives on the street and the use of those mood modifiers and alcohol becomes an even greater part of their lives. For some, smoking weed or whatever is a way to anesthetize themselves. For others, partaking is a recreational activity. This question brings up something radicals of the period confronted constantly. Were drugs revolutionary or counterrevolutionary? I think they served both purposes, depending on one’s class and cultural background. There is a good exchange between the New York Panther 21 (a group of Panthers charged with a conspiracy to blow up buildings in New York City in 1971. The Panthers all got off, and the charges were a sham. However, it helped exacerbate tensions within the Party and lead to the disintegration of that organization) and the Weather Underground over the role of drugs. For the Panthers, who had primarily grown up in urban ghettoes where the use of drugs was seen, rightly so, as a tool of the oppressor, there was very little that was revolutionary about them. To Weather, who were primarily from middle-class backgrounds, it was drugs that had helped them develop the ability to question their beliefs about the US and its policies. My experience with drugs (mostly pot, alcohol and LSD) and the experience of my friends prove both were right.

KB: You mentioned that Short Order Frame Up is a crime novel. In what ways does it conform to the traditional crime genre?

RJ: There are no other works I can think of that inspired any of my novels. Writers, yes, but individual works no. As for writers, I would say that my inspiration comes from writers like David Peace, James Ellroy, George Pelecanos, and Dashiell Hammett. I see Short Order Frame Up as a crime novel primarily because it involves a crime and a search for the person or persons who committed the crime. In the course of events, a web of criminality becomes apparent. I think this dynamic is also present in the other two novels of the series.

KB: An important factor in your work is the role of the CIA, FBI, and undercover agents that infiltrated the Left as provocateurs and spies, in order to disrupt and destroy revolutionary groups and arrest leftist individuals. Readers follow your characters as they escape from agents, alter their identities, or even flee the U.S. or Germany to protect their freedom. Could you talk about the role of the cops in infiltrating the Left in general? What are the lessons for today’s activists, facing more surveillance than ever existed in the 60s?

RJ: Be careful, man. If something or someone seems fishy, go with your instincts and avoid them. Outing someone as an agent, snitch or provocateur is a risky thing, but that doesn’t mean you have to believe everyone is who they say they are. If one is working in the open and is not planning anything illegal, then the worst that will happen is the infiltrator will tell the cops about legal plans. If groups are thinking about doing something else, then they should be careful about who knows. It’s a different world today, what with the intense surveillance and the open antagonism of the police, Homeland Security and other agencies to the Bill of Rights. Always make sure you know a trustworthy lawyer.

KB: Could you explain more about which revolutionary groups existed in the late 60s, and what their platforms were? As in The Co-Conspirator’s Tale, you mention the NPLF (New Peoples Liberation Front). Did this group exist? Is it inspired by an actual group at the time?

RJ: The NPLF did not exist. However, there was a group called the New World Liberation Front that did exist in the same time period as the novel. They were supporters of the Symbionese Liberation Front (SLA) and had a couple houses in Berkeley. The platform of this group, like that of the SLA, was a bit jumbled but was primarily concerned with fighting systemic racism and the cops. They did very little support work and operated mostly underground. Consequently, when they got arrested, very few people notice or cared outside of the extreme left of the time. There is good reason to believe that the SLA (and perhaps the NWLF) were set up by police provocateurs, much like the so-called “terror gangs” occasionally arrested in the United States since 9-11.

KB: Considering that many smaller revolutionary groups engaged in what is now considered terrorist activity (blowing up police vehicles, for example in Co-Conspirator’s Tale), it seems hard to imagine such actions being politically feasible. In what ways was the political climate different then versus now? Maybe you could discuss some of the physical struggles that went on at that time, and the brutality of the police.

RJ: The revolutionary left was much bigger in the United States and around the world. The anger at the imperialists and their local agents was peaking. In addition, the mass movement of protests and other such actions was perceived to have failed. The war in Vietnam raged on. Racism was blatant and brutal. Sexism and heterosexism was being challenged in ways never seen before. People thought they could help move the revolution forward because they believed it was near. This was true around the world. Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia, everywhere. The capitalist system seemed to be reeling. It was, but it was simultaneously taking notes so that it could defeat the revolutionary upsurge and come back much stronger. Unfortunately it succeeded.

KB: Lastly, what lessons do your novels have for today’s readers and activists?

RJ: I’m not sure about lessons. I do hope they are good reads and help people to understand a little better what it was like on the streets in the times they are set in…that people really thought about politics and such and believed they mattered.

This interview appeared in slightly different form in Red Wedge Magazine.

Kathleen Brown is an English Language Arts educator and social justice activist. She helped lead in the formation and development of the Campus Antiwar Network against the U.S. invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq. Other causes include immigrant rights and educational justice. She currently teaches in Costa Rica. Read other articles by Kathleen.

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Cold Porridge, Dead link, Excerpt Dissidents Cuba

Posted by Tespid on May 19, 2013

Cuba: Political Dissidents

MAP

See original

Source: Latin America Today 1992, p. 138.

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 Limits of Available Information

This paper is an update on the situation of political dissidents in Cuba and follows the April 1996 DIRB Question and Answer Series paper Cuba: The Human Rights Situation. The lack of readily available neutral information on Cuba is generally an obstacle when reporting on the country’s human rights situation. All official Cuban mass media are state-run and deliver information from a pro-government point of view (IACHR 14 Mar. 1997, 682). The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) calls the Cuban press “a channel of education and indoctrination in Marxism-Leninism” and Cuba’s main daily newspaper, Granma, “the organ of the Communist Party Central Committee” (ibid.).

There are a handful of illegal independent press agencies that operate from within Cuba and provide information to sources based abroad (The Washington Post 9 Mar. 1997). According to The Washington Post, these agencies lack basic supplies and face harassment and intimidation by authorities (ibid.). The Cuban government alleges that independent journalists in Cuba are funded by the US government (ibid.) and operate in the interests of those seeking to overthrow the present system (Reuters 14 Apr. 1996). The United nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) reports, however, that independent press agencies have no political affiliation (22 Jan. 1997, para. 19).

The several foreign press agencies that operate from within Cuba may be restricted in their reporting as new rules requiring foreign reporters to report “objectively” were introduced in February 1997 (Latin American Weekly Report 10 June 1997, 271). As well, some foreign journalists have allegedly been expelled by authorities for releasing unfavourable information about the Cuban government (CubaNet News 21 Mar. 1997).

A large portion of the available information emanates from the US. The long-standing tensions between the US and Cuba and the influence of the Cuban exile community, which, according to Latin American Regional Reports, is “overwhelmingly right-wing and anti-Castro” (14 Jan. 1997, 2), may undermine the neutrality of some US sources. Extra effort has been made to find additional sources and to corroborate the material provided, but in some cases this has not been possible. Furthermore, although the DIRB has researched the question of whether a definite pattern of action/reaction exists with respect to the current treatment of political dissidents in Cuba (i.e., what level of activity is likely to provoke a given level of official reaction), specific information or public commentary on this subject is limited. New information on the subject of illegal exit and return also could not be found, and oral sources who are able and willing to provide objective commentary on the record were not available at the time of writing. Despite these limitations, this report updates the documentation presently available and should provide a useful context within which to analyze the treatment of political dissidents in Cuba.

1.2 Recent Developments

A series of economic reforms that began in 1993 have reportedly had “far-reaching consequences” in Cuba (Latin American Regional Reports 16 May 1996, 6). These reforms include the legalisation of self-employment and use of foreign currency, and the removal of some restrictions regarding foreign investment (ibid., 7). Some Latin American and European countries believe these economic reforms may be paving the path toward changes “in the direction of democracy, respect for human rights … and a `cooperative’ foreign policy” (ibid., 9).

On 24 and 25 February 1997, a team of Canadian officials, including Canadian ambassador to Cuba Mark Entwistle, met with Cuban officials and members of opposition groups to discuss human rights issues (Reuters 26 Feb. 1997). The meeting followed Canadian foreign minister Lloyd Axworthy’s visit to Cuba in January at which time a joint declaration was signed that included, among other things, an agreement to cooperate on human rights issues (ibid.; ibid. 4 Feb. 1997; IACHR 14 Mar. 1997, 675). The declaration also provides for assistance from the Canadian government in improving Cuba’s legal system (ibid.). Prior to the visits Entwistle was quoted in The Ottawa Citizen as stating, “`There are cases of violations of human rights, but the kind of abuse of the individual that you see in many other countries doesn’t exist in Cuba …. There’s no pattern of torture. People don’t disappear in the middle of the night. Vigilante squads don’t roam the streets’” (9 Dec. 1996). The ambassador nevertheless also mentioned, on the same occasion, the lack of freedom of expression and of assembly in Cuba (ibid.).

Shifts in government policy have seen a greater acceptance in Cuba of the Roman Catholic Church, once identified with dissident movements (IPS 26 Nov. 1996; IACHR 14 Mar. 1997, 676). Fidel Castro met with Pope John Paul II in Rome on 19 November 1996, and tentative plans were set for a visit by the pontiff to Cuba sometime in early 1998 (Miami Herald 20 Mar. 1997; IPS 19 Nov. 1996; IPS 26 Nov. 1996). On 22 November 1996, the Cuban government granted entry visas to 40 foreign Catholic clergy (ibid.). On 29 June 1997, about 4000 people participated in the first open-air mass to be held in Havana in over 30 years (Miami Herald 1 July 1997; see also Reuters 1 July 1997 and Chicago Tribune 30 June 1997). The official Cuban media broke new ground as state-owned television and radio stations, and newspapers covered the occasion (Reuters 1 July 1997; Miami Herald 1 July 1997).

The above developments took place at a time when relations between Cuba and the US were highly strained. The Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act (better known as the Helms-Burton law), passed after the downing in February 1996 of two airplanes belonging to the Cuban exile organization Brothers to the Rescue, introduced numerous and far-reaching sanctions against Cuba (HRW 1997, 5; Latin American Weekly Report 7 Mar. 1996, 1; Latin American Regional Reports 4 Apr. 1996, 1, 7). The law was criticized by Mexico, Canada and the European Union (ibid., 1), and Amnesty International warned at the time that the resulting tensions could lead to “massive repression of dissidents within Cuba” (Latin American Weekly Report 14 Mar. 1996, 120). At the beginning of 1997 US President Bill Clinton suspended key provisions of the Helms-Burton law for an additional six-month period. Latin American Weekly Report indicated that shortly afterward the Cuban government hosted meetings with over 100 representatives of “more `moderate’” exile organizations (21 Jan. 1997, 41). The government’s aim was to persuade them that Helms-Burton’s demands for “democratization” might be more readily met “if Cuba [was] not being harassed on the economic front by the US” (ibid.).

Despite the developments described above, the Annual Report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 1996 states that there have not been substantive changes sufficient to positively and significantly improve the human rights situation in Cuba (IACHR 14 Mar. 1997, 676). The report further accuses the Cuban government of maintaining a system that regularly violates the civil and political rights of its citizens (ibid.). Press reports expressing similar concern have stated that dissidents face “constant danger” (DPA 14 Feb. 1997) and “risk everything” (The Washington Times 4 Mar. 1997).

The Cuban government, on the other hand, maintains that the issue of human rights has been used as an instrument by the US government and international human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Americas Watch, in a political campaign of hostility against Cuba (The Ottawa Citizen 9 Dec. 1996). In justifying the absence of an opposition press, for example, Cuba reportedly takes the position that it is at war with the US and that being “under attack by the world’s biggest superpower … [it] cannot leave itself open to internal attack” (CNN 18 Mar. 1997). Cuba reportedly denies there is a problem with its human rights record; a platform for last October’s Communist Party Congress states that, since 1959, “there has not been a single political crime, not one tortured or disappeared person. No more workers and students have been repressed, no more peasants harmed or repressed” (AP 11 June 1997; see also Miami Herald 26 May 1997).

1.3 Defining “Dissident”

Cuba considers opposition activists to be “counter-revolutionaries” supported largely by, and working in the interests of, the US government (Reuters 5 May 1997; DPA 14 Feb. 1997; The Christian Science Monitor 11 Apr. 1996). As one Cuban official put it, dissidents are “people who are directly or indirectly on a payroll from the United States. They are part of a comprehensive hostile policy from the US” (The Ottawa Citizen 9 Dec. 1996).

Many members of illegal opposition parties are trade unionists, lawyers, economists, engineers and independent journalists (AI Apr. 1996, 10). The government’s targeting of the latter as dissidents has been well-documented (The Washington Post 9 Mar. 1997; AP 9 May 1996; Reuters 14 Apr. 1996; IACHR 14 Mar. 1997, 684). As noted above, one reason for this targeting may be the government’s view that the independent press is funded largely by the US government and is working to destabilize the Castro regime (The Washington Post 9 Mar. 1997). The official state newspaper, Granma, reportedly published an article on 17 April 1996 condemning independent journalists, stating that they “`attacked the foundations of the Cuban nation’” and were in the service of “those who sought to destroy the island’s one-party socialist system” (Reuters 14 Apr. 1996; AP 9 May 1996). Article 53 of the Cuban constitution mandates that all media must be state-owned and that freedom of speech and the press are lawful only in so far as they do not infringe on the “objectives of socialist society” (Reuters 14 Apr. 1996).

Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA) characterizes the dissident community in Cuba as “weak and isolated” (14 Feb. 1997), and Reuters describes opposition groups as small, adding that authorities rarely comment on activists (3 July 1997). The Economist indicates that dissidents are unorganized and without leadership, as most of their “natural leaders” have fled the country, and claims that Cuba has never “faced serious political opposition” from within (24 Aug. 1996, 33). The United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) suggests that the Cuban government, having survived a devastating economic free fall, likely enjoys support from larger numbers of the population than previously believed by most outside observers (22 Jan. 1997, para.48).

Concilio Cubano, the collective whose founding sparked a government crackdown in 1996, once counted 140 participating organizations but is now reportedly in “disarray” (The Washington Times 4 Mar. 1997; see also the DIRB’s Cuba: The Human Rights Situation). At the height of the crackdown certain key members were jailed for long periods and have only recently been released from prison (Miami Herald 31 May 1997), while a good number have gone into exile (The Boston Globe 11 Dec. 1996). The Economist reports that the breakup of Concilio Cubano “has turned dissidents once again into isolated voices” (24 Aug. 1996, 33).

The IACHR reports, however, that although government opponents are subjected to systematic discrimination and harassment, opposition groups have grown in recent years (14 Mar. 1997, 677). As well, the IACHR accuses the Cuban government of downplaying the prominence of these groups by labelling them “counter-revolutionaries” or referring to them derisively as “grupusculos” (small groups) (ibid.).

2. TREATMENT OF DISSIDENTS

2.1 Arrests and Incommunicado Detentions

Short-term detentions are regularly and repeatedly used by Cuban authorities as a means of intimidating and harassing political dissidents (DPA 14 Feb. 1997; Country Reports 1996 1997, 417). This is a marked departure from the government’s previous practice of imposing 20- and 30-year prison sentences (Contacto Magazine 12 Oct. 1996) and is seen by some observers as an attempt to improve its image overseas (UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, para. 45). The tactic was widely used during the last weeks of February 1996, when authorities arrested dozens of dissidents throughout the country in a move to undermine the planned gathering by Concilio Cubano (ibid., para. 10; AI July 1996, 1; AI Apr. 1996, 21). Most, although not all, were released shortly after their arrest (UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, para. 11; Contacto Magazine 12 Oct. 1996).

Raul Rivero, a leading dissident and the director of Cuba Press, an illegal independent press agency, claims that most of his dissident colleagues were arrested at some point in 1996 (DPA 14 Feb. 1997). On 12 August 1996, Bernardo Fuentes Camblor, Magaly Pino Garcia and Jorge Enrique Rives, all three of whom worked for the independent press agency Patria and were members of Concilio Cubano, were arrested by authorities and detained incommunicado (AFP 14 Aug. 1996; AI 23 Aug. 1996). On 23 August 1996, Amnesty International reported that, following their interrogation for having contact with another dissident, Suzanne Bilello, the three were warned and released (ibid.). The report of UNCHR Special Rapporteur Carl-Johan Groth, released 22 January 1997, gives a detailed account of numerous other arrests of dissidents throughout 1996[1]1.

The following are examples of incidents reported in 1997. In January 1997, journalists Tania Quintero and Juan Antonio Sanchez were arrested and held incommunicado (AFP 22 Jan. 1997; Reuters 22 Jan. 1997). While in detention, Quintero and Sanchez were allegedly subjected to “hostile interrogations” and robbed (AP 24 Jan. 1997). They were held for 25 and 35 hours, respectively, before being released (ibid.).

On 9 January 1997, Hector Palacios Ruiz, leader of the banned Democratic Solidarity Party (Partido Solidaridad Democratica or PSD), was arrested and charged with “contempt of public authority” (Reuters 4 Feb. 1997; The Washington Post 4 Feb. 1997; BPIC 16 Jan. 1997). According to DPA, Palacios was arrested because in an interview with German television he expressed views about Fidel Castro that authorities labelled “derogatory” (14 Feb. 1997). On 10 June 1997, Cable News Network (CNN) reported that Palacios is still awaiting trial in a maximum security prison.

In the days preceding 24 February 1997, the first anniversary of Cuba’s downing of the Brothers to the Rescue planes, 11 dissidents were reported to have been detained by authorities (Reuters 24 Feb. 1997). The outcome of these 11 detentions could not be ascertained.

In May 1997, there were reports of an increase in arrests of dissidents (AFP 22 May 1997; Reuters 20 May 1997). On 1 May 1997, dissident Ana Maria Agramonte, a member of the Nationalist Action Party (Partido Accion Nacionalista), was arrested along with “dozens” of opposition activists and sentenced on 10 May to 18 months following a conviction for “resistance and disobedience” (AFP 22 May 1997; see also AI June 1997; UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, para. 16). As of 22 May 1997, according to Elizardo Sanchez, a member of the dissident group Cuban Human Rights and National Reconciliation Commission (Comision Cubana de Derechos Humanos y Reconciliacion Nacional or CCDHRN), five of those arrested with Agramonte still remained imprisoned “for alleged acts against state security” (AFP 22 May 1997). On 5 May 1997, the Cuban Independent Press Bureau (Buro de Periodistas Independientes de Cuba or BPIC), an illegal independent press organization operating from the island, reported that in a move to protect government May Day celebrations, “dozens” of opposition leaders were harassed and restrained. News of the detentions was corroborated by Reuters, although the news agency’s sources—”dissidents in Cuba”—stated that “a dozen” dissidents were involved (20 May 1997; ibid. 5 May 1997).

2.2 Internal Banishment

A relatively new method used by the Cuban government to restrict dissident activity has been the imposition of internal banishment (AI July 1996, 2-3; UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, para. 14; Miami Herald 5 Sept. 1996). This tactic is intended to prevent activists from communicating with each other and impede contact with those who provide support from abroad (ibid.). While some dissidents have been exiled to remote parts of the island from Havana, others who reside outside Havana have been banned from entering the capital city (ibid.; AI July 1996, 2; Country Reports 1996 1997, 417). This tactic has reportedly “already contributed to the breakup of at least two opposition groups, … [deterred] foreign contacts with dissidents, and [helped] to limit publicity abroad for Cuban human rights abuses” (Miami Herald 5 Sept. 1996).

According to a number of reports, two university students, Nestor Rodriguez Lobaina and Radames Garcia de la Vega, members of the dissident group Young People for Democracy (Jovenes por la Democracia), were sentenced to five years internal exile following their arrest and conviction for “disrespect” and “resistance” in early June 1996 (AI July 1996, 2; Miami Herald 5 Sept. 1996; Contacto Magazine 12 Oct. 1996). Rodriguez and Garcia were banished from Havana and forcibly taken back to their home towns in eastern Cuba (ibid.; Country Reports 1996 1997, 418; AI July 1996, 2).

On 16 February 1996, Concilio Cubano member Maria Antonia Escobedo Yaser was reportedly arrested and subsequently forcibly returned to her home province of Santiago de Cuba (UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, para. 14). Similarly, in September 1996 the banned Independent Press Agency of Cuba (Asociación de Periodistas Independientes de Cuba or APIC) reported that authorities have banned Aida Rosa Jimenez from visiting the interior provinces of the country (18 Sept. 1996). Rosa Jimenez was accused of setting up “illicit associations” for her Cuban Mothers Solidarity Movement (Madres Cubanas por la Solidaridad) (ibid.).

In September 1996 the Miami Herald reported that government authorities had ordered at least a dozen dissidents to leave Havana since 1 March 1996 (5 Sept. 1996). As well, Cuban authorities have informally restricted the movements of dissidents by resorting to such tactics as preventing them from taking buses or trains to or from Havana or denying them access to gasoline (ibid.).

2.3 Forced Exile

Amnesty International reports that in early 1996 state authorities placed intense pressure on detained dissidents to leave the country (July 1996, 4). The 1997 UNCHR report states that threats of “persecution” and offers of release conditional upon prisoners’ immediate departure from the island were used regularly in 1996 to force dissidents into exile (22 Jan. 1997, para. 28). The US Department of State’s Country Reports 1996 claimed that in 1996 the Cuban government “used exile as a tool for controlling and eliminating the internal opposition” and that “in contrast to its general practice of offering exile only after imprisonment, the Government increasingly threatened to charge, try, and imprison human rights advocates and independent journalists if they did not leave the country” (1997, 417).

An example of this is the case of dissident journalist Rafael Solano. Amnesty International reports that in late 1995 and early 1996, Solano was detained at least six times, threatened and pressured by authorities to stop his activities or leave the country (July 1996, 13; see also IACHR 14 Mar. 1997, 697). On 27 February 1996, Solano was arrested and charged with “`association with criminal intent’” (UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, para. 3b; AI July 1996, 14-15). Following his conditional release on 8 April 1996 (The New York Times 16 Apr. 1996), Solano decided to accept an invitation by the Spanish government to visit for three months and applied for a temporary exit visa (AI July 1996, 15). However, Cuban authorities returned his passport with a final exit stamp, and he was warned by authorities at the airport “not to try to return to Cuba” (ibid., 16; AP 9 May 1996). Solano subsequently sought political asylum from the Spanish government (ibid.).

In another incident, El Nuevo Herald reported that Miguel Angel Aldana, a Concilio Cubano member, was arrested on 24 February 1997 and warned by authorities that he would be jailed for four years if he did not leave Cuba by 1 May 1997 (11 Apr. 1997). Aldana fled and arrived in Miami on 4 April 1997 (ibid.).

In early May 1997, dissident writer and poet Ismael Sambra arrived in Canada, exiled after spending four or five years in jail. Sambra had been sentenced to ten years in jail in 1992 after being convicted for distributing anti-Castro pamphlets. He was released by Cuban authorities following an appeal by Canadian foreign affairs minister Lloyd Axworthy (The Globe and Mail 16 May 1997; Miami Herald 15 May 1997; Edmonton Journal 16 May 1997).

2.4 Harassment and Assault

The UNCHR reported in January 1997 that the government used “intensive harassment” as a primary measure in its campaign against dissidents during 1996 (22 Jan. 1997, para. 45). On 4 March 1997, The Washington Times quoted Barbara Joe, Amnesty International coordinator for Cuba, as stating that “`the situation has not improved since last summer,’” and that “`if anything, it may be harsher now than it was last summer.’” Reuters and BPIC reported in early May 1997 that dissidents and opposition sympathizers were harassed by authorities (Reuters 5 May 1997; BPIC 1 May 1997).

Joaquin Torres Alvares, the director of the banned independent news agency Habana Press, alleges that on 31 May 1997 he was assaulted outside his home by four individuals whom he recognized as Communist Party members or State Security officials (AI 2 June 1997; AFP 1 June 1997; Reuters 2 June 1997). Torres was reportedly harassed and threatened with detention numerous times prior to the incident and was detained for three days last year (ibid.; UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, para. 19). An Amnesty International Urgent Action Appeal concerning Torres states that, although they regularly make such threats, it is rare for authorities to actually carry them out against dissidents (2 June 1997). The Appeal further states that another dissident, journalist Nicholas Rosario Rosabal, was reportedly assaulted by unknown individuals suspected to be agents of State Security on 14 January 1997 (ibid.).

      Country Reports 1996 indicates that dissidents are often placed under close surveillance by authorities and that “authorities regularly search people and their homes, without probable cause, to intimidate and harass them” (1997, 419). As well, the UNCHR continued to receive reports concerning individuals who suffered threats, harassment, house searches and “other kinds of reprisal connected with the exercise of the freedom of expression and association due to discrimination on political grounds” (22 Jan. 1997, 3). The IACHR states that dissidents in Cuba are punished by “prison terms, temporary detentions, harassment, threats, job loss, home searches, adoption of disciplinary measures, etc.” (14 Mar. 1997, 709).

2.5 Acts of Repudiation

Acts of repudiation (actos de repudio) are another form of harassment that dissidents in Cuba may face. Amnesty International describes these as “meetings or demonstrations organized by government officials or mass organizations supporting the government at which the person or persons concerned are subjected to criticism and abuse, sometimes physical, because of their so-called `counter-revolutionary’ views or activities” (2 June 1997). The civilian groups that carry out the acts of repudiation are commonly referred to as Rapid Response Brigades and are thought to be initiated by authorities (ibid. Apr. 1996, 4). Amnesty International states that in February 1996 several lawyers were victims of acts of repudiation (ibid.). CubaNet reports that on 8 February 1997, a local Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) “zone chief” summoned Havana Press reporter Jorge Olivera to a meeting where about 12 CDR, Rapid Action Brigades and Communist Party members threatened, insulted and accused him of “violating the law of sovereignty and Cuban dignity” (13 Feb. 1997). Olivera claimed these same individuals later threatened his family and visited his neighbours, some of whom were afraid to speak to him or his family afterward (ibid.). On 12 February 1997 Cuba Press director Raul Rivero, referred to earlier, was reportedly harassed by a civilian mob that shouted insults at him outside his apartment building (El Nuevo Herald 13 Feb. 1997; The Washington Post 9 Mar. 1997). The mob of about 100 accused Rivero of being a “counter-revolutionary, a traitor and a CIA agent” (ibid.). In mid-February 1997 El Nuevo Herald reported that during the previous week acts of repudiation had been organized against independent journalists, including BPIC director Lazaro Lazo (16 Feb. 1997). The report states that mobs gathered outside the homes of independent journalists and, equipped with loudspeakers, “hurled insults and accusations of all types” (ibid.). The report describes acts of repudiation as “attempt[s] at intimidation through terror and repression” that were carried out in early February 1997 under the Law of Reaffirmation of Dignity and Cuban Sovereignty, Cuba’s answer to Helms-Burton (ibid.).

2.6 Discrimination in Employment

Discrimination in the work force on the basis of political opinion is reportedly common in Cuba (UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, 9; Country Reports 1996 1997, 424; The Dallas Morning News 24 Sept. 1996). In June 1997, InfoBuro reported that according to Young People for Democracy, the Ministry of Education is still dismissing professors who express opinions that run counter to official ideology (16 June 1997). The cases of Professors Nilda Malera Pedraza and Joaquin Lozano Arencibia were cited as examples (ibid.). Malera Pedraza was reportedly dismissed from her position for “deviating from official political thought” after she refused to join several government groups (ibid.). Upon her dismissal, the dean of the institute where she taught reportedly stated that “`her attitude impeded her eligibility to continue in her professional duties, as it is not a proper example of Revolutionary professionalism for her students, colleagues or neighbors’” (ibid.). Following a failed attempt to defect, Lozano Arencibia was reportedly blacklisted and labelled “politically unreliable” by officials at the Education Ministry (ibid.).

      Country Reports 1996 reports that on 16 April 1996 Blanca Nieves Cruz Rivero was dismissed from her job of 13 years at the Ministry of Justice for, among other things, “`having contact with people who do not share the philosophy of the revolution and for opposing it in an open manner as an activist of so-called human rights groups …’” (1997, 424).

Amnesty International reported that Concilio Cubano Executive Secretary and lawyer Dr. Leonel Morejon Almagro was barred from practising law after he was removed from his lawyers’ collective in January 1995 for alleged “technical deficiencies” (Apr. 1996, 4). Dr. Morejon, a known political activist, had been defending three political prisoners at the time of his dismissal (ibid.). He was subsequently arrested on 15 February 1996 and charged with contempt and resisting arrest (UNCHR 22 Jan. 1996, para. 11b). In March 1996, he was sentenced to 15 months in jail and was released in May 1997 (Miami Herald 31 May 1997). Similarly, another lawyer, Dr. Gomez Manzano, one of the founders of Concilio Cubano, was dismissed from his lawyers’ collective in October 1995 (AI Apr. 1996, 4). He had been critical about the collective and was a known dissident (ibid.). Dr. Manzano is a member of Agramontist Current (Corriente Agramontista, formerly Union Agramontista), a group of lawyers who take on political cases (ibid.). The IACHR reports that members of the Agramontist Current are “subject to a full array of pressures … [including] the administrative prohibition against serving as defense counsel for human rights activists and political dissidents” (14 Mar. 1997, 689). The Commission states it also received reports of “expulsions from law offices, and even prison sentences for lawyers who sought to exercise the profession independently” (ibid.).

2.7 Due Process

In a February 1995 report, the IACHR criticised Cuba for its denial of due process to those suspected of being involved in dissident activity (17 Feb. 1995, 689). Recent reports suggest that fairness of the legal process continues to be undermined when the accused is charged with a political crime (ibid. 14 Mar. 1997, 689; Country Reports 1996 1997, 418; AP 11 June 1997; UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, para. 10-12). In particular, there has been criticism of the lack of independence of the judiciary (ibid., 15; IACHR 14 Mar. 1997, 690; Country Reports 1996 1997, 418), denial of the right to defence counsel (ibid.; AP 11 June 1997) and “`the weak state of procedural guarantees [in general], especially in trials that may directly or indirectly affect the system of power that exists in Cuba today’” (ibid.). Although some articles of the Cuban constitution protect procedural rights, such as the right to defence, these guarantees are, according to IACHR, significantly limited, if not made altogether inoperable, by Article 62 which provides that constitutional freedoms can only be exercised in accordance with the “`aims of the socialist state’” (14 Mar. 1997, 687). As well, the IACHR reports that another significant barrier to fairness in the legal system is the government’s “policy” of intimidating lawyers representing individuals held for political reasons, as discussed above (ibid., 690). For more information on the legal system, refer to the April 1996 Question and Answer Series paper Cuba: The Human Rights Situation.

2.8 Prison Conditions

The UNCHR and the IACHR estimate that there are at least 1,173 political prisoners in Cuba (UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, 9; IACHR 14 Mar. 1997, 708; see also Latin American Weekly Report 18 Mar. 1997, 144; AP 11 June 1997). However, Amnesty International puts this figure at 600 (Apr. 1996, 24). The Cuban government denies that any political crimes have been committed since 1959 (Miami Herald 26 May 1997; AP 11 June 1997).

As noted earlier, Cuba has largely abandoned its policy of imposing long sentences for political crimes and has opted for short-term detention (DPA 14 Feb. 1997; Country Reports 1996 1997, 417). However, the conditions for those who remain in prison for political crimes reportedly remain unchanged (Country Reports 1996 1997, 415; UNCHR 22 Jan. 1997, 8; AP 11 June 1997).

The UNCHR reports that “overcrowding, terrible sanitary conditions, inadequate and substandard food, limited medical care, beatings, restrictions on family visits, the problems of having common criminals share living quarters with political prisoners, and the jailing of many political prisoners far from their home towns, which makes contact with their families extremely difficult” still remain (22 Jan. 1997, para. 20). The IACHR adds “solitary confinement as punishment (behind closed doors without light), … [and] keeping those convicted with those awaiting trial” to the above list (14 Mar. 1997, 699). For more information on the treatment of prisoners, refer to the April 1996 Question and Answer Series paper Cuba: The Human Rights Situation.

For updates and additional information on Cuba, please consult the DIRB databases and documentary sources available at Regional Documentation Centres.

REFERENCES

Agence France Presse (AFP). 1 June 1997. “Dissident Journalist Alleges Physical Aggression in Cuba.” (NEXIS)

Agence France Presse (AFP). 22 May 1997. “Cuban Dissident Tried and Jailed, Six More Await Sentences in Roundup.” (NEXIS)

Agence France Presse (AFP). 22 January 1997. “Two Independent Journalists Reportedly Arrested in Cuba.”

Agence France Presse (AFP). 14 August 1996. “Two Journalists Are Arrested in Cuba, According to Reporters Without Borders.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/aug96/15jour. html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

Amnesty International (AI). June 1997. Amnesty International/Urgent Action Follow Up.London: Amnesty International. [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/ jun97/26e3.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 26 June 1997]

Amnesty International (AI). 2 June 1997. Amnesty International: Urgent Action Appeal: CUBA: Joaquin Tores Alvarez.(AI Index: UA 159/97). London: Amnesty International. [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/jun97/03el.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www. cubanet.org/cubanews.html)[Accessed 4 June 1997]

Amnesty International (AI). 23 August 1996. “Further Information on Extra 133/96.” [Internet] (URL: http://www. cubanet.org/CNews/aug96/24ai3.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

Amnesty International (AI). July 1996. Cuba: Dissidents Imprisoned or Forced into Exile.(AI Index: AMR 25/29/96). London: Amnesty International.

Amnesty International (AI). April 1996. Cuba: Government Crackdown on Dissent. (AI Index: AMR 25/14/96). London: Amnesty International.

Asociacion de Periodistas Independientes de Cuba (APIC). 18 September 1996. Lucas Garve. “The Banished.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/Cnews/oct96/ 9vanish.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

The Associated Press (AP). 11 June 1997. “Report Assails Cuban Rights Records.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/jun97/11e3.htm), [Internet] (URL: http:// http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)[Accessed 11 June 1997]

The Associated Press (AP). 24 January 1997. “Cuba Arrests Media.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/ CNews/y97/jan97/24rg.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.Cubanet.org/cubanews. html)[Accessed 20 May 1997]

The Associated Press (AP). 9 May 1996. “Cuba Journalist in Spain Exile.” (Global NewsBank)

The Boston Globe. 11 December 1996. Steve Fainaru. “9 Months Later, Cuba Dissidents Still in Disarray.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org /Cnews/nov96/13nine.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 20 May 1997]

Buro de Periodistas Independientes de Cuba (BPIC). 16 January 1997. “Hector Palacios Ruiz Remains Under Arrest.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/Cnews/y97/jan97/ 21bpice.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

Buro de Periodistas Independientes de Cuba (BPIC). 1 May 1997. “Opposition Leaders Arrested, Harassed on May Day.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/Cnews/y97/may97/5e7.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www. cubanet.org/cubanews.html)[Accessed 20 May 1997]

Cable News Network (CNN). 10 June 1997. Lucia Newman. “Cuba Cracks Down on Dissidents.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/9706/10/cuba.dissidents), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cnn.com)%5BAccessed 4 July 1997]

Cable News Network (CNN). 18 March 1997. Lucia Newman. “Few Independent Journalists Challenge Cuba’s Restrictions” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/9703/18/cuba.media), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cnn.com)%5BAccessed 4 July 1997]

Chicago Tribune. 30 June 1997. Paul de la Garza and Michael J. McGuire. “Hopeful over a Papal Visit, Cubans Cry ‘Viva Cristo!’” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/ Cnews/y97/jul97/Ole2.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 2 July 1997]

The Christian Science Monitor[Boston]. 11 April 1996. Howard Lafranchi. “Cuban Dissidents Fight Image of Being US Pawns.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet. org/CNews/apr96/12e2.html), [Internet] URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews .html>[Accessed 20 May 1997]

Contacto Magazine[Burbank]. 12 October 1996. Jesus Hernandez Cuellar. “Human Rights in Cuba: Decades of Violations.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/oct96/ 24humrigh.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1996.1997. United States Department of State. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.

CubaNet News. 21 March 1997. “CNN’s Lucia Newman Tells Univision Network That She Feels on [sic.] a Glass Bowl in Havana.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/ CNews/y97/mar97/21lucia.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews. html)[Accessed 4 July 1997]

CubaNet News. 13 February 1997. “Joaquin Torres and Jorge Olivera, from Havana Press, Narrate Their Experiences to Cubanet.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/ feb97/13narrt.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 23 July 1997]

The Dallas Morning News. 24 September 1996. David L. Marcus. “Unending Struggle; Cuban Dissidents Active Despite Little Hope of Ousting Castro.” (NEXIS)

Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA). 14 February 1997. Klaus Blume. “Cuban Opposition Weak, Isolated and Repressed.” (NEXIS)

The Economist[London]. 24 August 1996. “The Warder of the Nation.”

Edmonton Journal. 16 May 1997. “Castro Still Despotic Despite Poet’s Release.”

El Nuevo Herald[Miami]. 11 April 1997. Armando Correa. “Opposition Leader Forcibly Exiled from Cuba.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/apr97/ 15ex2.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

El Nuevo Herald[Miami]. 16 February 1997. Pablo Alfonso. “Repression Attempts to Quiet the Echo of Free Voices in the Island.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/feb97/ 17art1.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 22 July 1997]

El Nuevo Herald[Miami]. 13 February 1997. Pablo Alfonso. “Increased Harassment Against Independent Journalists Makes Them Fear for Their Lives.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet. org/CNews/y97/feb97/17harass.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/ cubanews.html)[Accessed 10 June 1997]

The Globe and Mail[Toronto]. 16 May 1997. Paul Knox. “Cuban Dissident Describes Long Road to Jail.”

Human Rights Watch (HRW). 1997. Human Rights Watch World Report 1997: Events of 1996. New York: Human Rights Watch.

InfoBuro. 16 June 1997. “Ideological Purges the Norm in Cuban Schools.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/jun97/20el.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www. cubanet.org/cubanews.html)[Accessed 23 June 1997]

Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). 14 March 1997. Annual Report of The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 1996(OEA/Ser.L/V/II.95 Doc. 7 rev.). Washington, DC: General Secretariat, Organization of American States.

Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). 17 February 1995. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Report on Cuba. Washington, DC: General Secretariat, Organization of American States.

Inter Press Service (IPS). 26 November 1996. Dalia Acosta. “Cuba-Religion: Detente Continues Apace.”

Inter Press Service (IPS). 19 November 1996. “Cuba: Castro Ends Cold War with Church.”

Latin America Today: An Atlas of Reproducible Pages. 1992. Rev. ed. Wellesley, Mass.: World Eagle Inc.

Latin American Regional Reports: Caribbean & Central American Report[London]. 21 January 1997. “Cuba: New ‘Front’ in Helms-Burton Tiff.”

Latin American Regional Reports: Caribbean & Central American Report[London]. 14 January 1997. “Cuba: Clinton Rolls over Waiver.”

Latin American Regional Reports: Caribbean & Central American Report[London]. 16 May 1996. “Cuba: Reforms Continue Behind the Rhetoric.”

Latin American Regional Reports: Caribbean & Central American Report[London]. 4 April 1996. “Washington at Odds with Allies in Tightening Sanctions Against Cuba.”

Latin American Weekly Report[London]. 10 June 1997. “New Rules for Reporting on Cuba.”

Latin American Weekly Report[London]. 18 March 1997. “Cuba: Human Rights.”

Latin American Weekly Report[London]. 14 March 1996. “Cuba/Amnesty Warning.”

Latin American Weekly Report[London]. 7 March 1996. “Cuba Falls for Provocation by Downing Planes … and Everyone Loses.”

Miami Herald. 1 July 1997. Pablo Alfonso. “4,000 Attend Rare Open-Air Mass in Cuba.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.herald.com/americas/carib/cuba.htm)%5BAccessed 2 July 1997]

Miami Herald. 31 May 1997. Cynthia Corzo. “Concilio Cubano Isn’t Dead, Activist Says.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.herald.com/americas/carib/cuba.htm)%5BAccessed 2 July 1997]

Miami Herald. 26 May 1997. Juan Tamayo. “Cuba Chills Talk of Change.” [Internet] (URL: http:// http://www.herald.com:80/americas/digdocs/012877.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www. herald.com)[Accessed 26 May 1997]

Miami Herald. 15 May 1997. Tom Rachman. “Dissident Cuban Author Arrives in Canada After 5 Years in Prison.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.herald.com/americas/carib/cuba/ digdocs/000979.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www.herald.com)%5BAccessed 20 May 1997]

Miami Herald. 20 March 1997. Juan Tamayo. “Before Papal Visit, Vatican Gets Tough on Cuba.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/mar97/22pope.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

Miami Herald. 5 September 1996. Juan Tamayo. “Banishment Wears Down Cuban Dissidents.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/sep96/5bofil.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 20 May 1997]

The New York Times. 16 April 1996. Anthony DePalma. “Journalist Is out of a Havana Jail but May Have to Leave Cuba.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/ apr96/16e3.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

The Ottawa Citizen. 9 December 1996. Juliet O’Neill. “The Rights Agenda: The Route to Freedom in Cuba Goes Around the American Embargo.” (NEXIS)

Reuters. 3 July 1997. “Cuban Dissident Says His House Was Stoned.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/jul97/04e2.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www. cubanet.org/cubanews.html)[Accessed 4 July 1997]

Reuters. 1 July 1997. “In a New Move, Cuba Daily Reports Catholic Mass.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/jul97/02el.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www. cubanet.org/cubanews.html)[Accessed 2 July 1997]

Reuters. 2 June 1997. “Free-Press Group to Cuba: Leave Journalists Alone.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org./CNews/y97/jun97/03e2.htm), [Internet] (URL: http://www. cubanet.org/cubanews.html)[Accessed 4 June 1997]

Reuters. 20 May 1997. “Cuban Dissident Jailed for 18 Months.” [Internet] (URL: http://www. infoseek.com/Content?arn=a2347…943C43EDC94D093C322F1F87E&kt=A&ak+allnews)[Accessed 23 May 1997]

Reuters. 5 May 1997. Pascal Fletcher. “Cuban Dissidents Will Oppose One-Party Elections.” (NEXIS)

Reuters. 26 February 1997. “Canada, Cuba Hold Talks on Human Rights Issues.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/feb97/27hrtalk.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cubanews.html)%5BAccessed 10 June 1997]

Reuters. 24 February 1997. “Cuba Reinforces Coast Patrols to Monitor Exiles.” (NEXIS)

Reuters. 4 February 1997. “U.S. Deplores Arrest of Leading Dissident in Cuba.” (NEXIS)

Reuters. 22 January 1997. “Authorities in Cuba Detain Three Dissidents.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y97/23detain.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www. cubanet.org/cubanews.html)[Accessed 10 June 1997]

Reuters. 14 April 1996. “Cuban Paper Says Dissident Journalists Break Law.” (Global NewsBank)

United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR). 22 January 1997. (E/CN.4/1997/53). Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Cuba Submitted by the Special Rapporteur, Mr. Carl-Johan Groth, in Accordance with Commission Resolution 1996/69 and Economic and Social Council Decision 1996/275. [Internet] (URL: http://www.193.135.156.15/html/menu4/hcrrep/5397.htm)%5BAccessed 22 May 1997]

The Washington Post. 9 March 1997. Elise Ackerman. “A Look at … Changing Cuba; Guerrilla Journalism; The Underground Press Fights for an Audience.” (NEXIS)

The Washington Post. 4 February 1997. “Cuba Holds Dissident.” [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/ CNews/y97/feb97/4prso.html), [Internet] (URL: http://www.cubanet.org/cuba news. html)[Accessed 10 June 1997]

The Washington Times. 4 March 1997. Tom Carter. “Castro Increases Repression of Critics; Regime Cuts Phone Lines, Spies on Foes.”

 


[1]1.           This report is available at Regional Documentation Centres.

Copyright notice: This document is published with the permission of the copyright holder and producer Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB). The original version of this document may be found on the offical website of the IRB at http://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/en/. Documents earlier than 2003 may be found only on Refworld.

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Cuba: underground networks

Posted by Tespid on May 19, 2013

Underground networks changing Cuba, says dissident, as autocrats endorse regime

 

“A thriving underground social media network is challenging the Communist government’s grip on power and information in Cuba and beginning to bring change, a leading dissident said on Thursday,” Reuters reports:

“There is a network of clandestine information, the volume, speed and efficiency of which you cannot imagine. It is not in megabytes or gigabytes but in terrabytes,” dissident blogger Yoani Sanchez (right) told a Geneva news conference.

“One family has an illegal parabolic antenna hidden in a pseudo watertank and can transmit to 200 to 300 families who pay a monthly fee,” said Sanchez.

“There has been a growth of critical civil society, a new phenomenon, through audiovisuals, culture, journalists, bloggers and Twitter. It is no secret that the subsidies from Venezuela that have prolonged the Cuban system will also be phased out.”

“All this will accelerate change,” she said.

Cuban security forces still repress dissidents but they have changed tactics from imposing long jail terms sentences to harassment and short-term detentions, Sanchez said.

“Quite often, dissidents, bloggers, journalists are taking a walk and a private car stops, they are insulted and dragged into a car with three men. They are hit, threatened and dropped off later on the road,” she said.

Her comments came shortly after fellow dissident Antonio G. Rodiles argued that networks connecting exiles with home-based activists could facilitate a democratic transition to ‘Another Cuba’.

Despite the low-level but consistent repression, the regime is unsustainable, she said.

“The so-called Raulista changes are superficial,” Sanchez told reporters, referring to President Raul Castro.

“The Cuban model is like a house in Old Havana. You look at the house and ask how it’s possible that it’s still standing,” she said in Geneva, where she was attending a UN human rights meeting.

“Then the owner comes along and wants to change the door. He unscrews one screw, and with that screw, the whole house comes down. The question is, which screw is it going to be?”

The presence of small-scale entrepreneurs on the ruling party’s May Day parade drew attention to the regime’s anemic economic reforms that have permitted the establishment of private enterprises for the first time in decades.

“We’re in this very interesting phase in which the public and private sector collaborate and compete at the same time,” said Richard E. Feinberg, a professor at the University of California, San Diego, who is doing a study of Cuba’s private sector.

New economic freedoms and the taxes paid by private-sector workers are also beginning to alter the relationship between individuals and the state, analysts say.

“The willingness of people to express an alternative point of view has definitely expanded,” Dr. Feinberg told The New York Times. “But it’ll take a while before they begin to develop a class consciousness and a political articulation of their interests.”

But Sanchez cautioned observers against being taken in by recent incremental reforms.

“The reforms lack depth,” she said, adding that the same goes for politics.

“There’s no such thing as freedom of association, as freedom of expression, there’s no political freedom and no freedom of opposition,” she told AFP.

Cuban dissidents say the number of political prisoners in the country has fallen from 300 in 2003 to around 50 — though the government denies there are any at all.

“There’s been a transformation of the strategy of repression in Cuba. Under Fidel Castro it was like a ‘reality show’, with people taken to court, sentenced to 10 years,” Sanchez said.

“The Raulista methods are methods that don’t leave any legal traces, so they can say there’s no repression in Cuba,” she added, highlighting continued harassment and threats.

Sanchez was in Geneva for today’s United Nations review of Cuba’s rights record which, observers complained, was tainted by the regime’s use of 454 front groups to subvert the review. The fronts were encouraged to officially register 93 statements praising Havana’s policies and practices, says a new report from UN Watch entitled “How Cuba Hijacked its UPR.”

“Cuba used hundreds of front groups to hijack the United Nations compilation of NGO submissions and turn it into a propaganda sheet for the Castro Communist regime,” said Hillel Neuer, executive director of the Geneva-based UN Watch, a non-governmental human rights monitoring group.

“While critiques of genuine NGOs do appear,“ he said, “they are overwhelmed by an unprecedented amount of submissions by fraudulent ‘NGOs’ that, if they do exist, are mere puppets of Cuba and its allies abroad.”

Neuer also condemned Cuba’s “resort to friendly tyrannies and non-democracies” who took the floor to praise Havana’s “abysmal record,” including Nicaragua, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, Palestine, Syria, Bolivia, China, North Korea and Iran.

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